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Germany Deports Tajik Political Activist Dilmurod Ergashev

Germany has decided to deport Dilmurod Ergashev, a political activist and member of the Movement for Reforms and Development of Tajikistan, who had applied for asylum in Germany. This is despite requests from international human rights organizations such as Human Rights Watch and the Helsinki Committee not to deport Ergashev because of the risk of him being tortured in Tajikistan. Friends of the activist said Ergashev was told to report to the deportation center and prepare to leave. The activist, who has lived in Germany for the past 13 years, was detained in the town of Kleve on October 28 and taken to the administrative court, where his deportation was ordered. According to associates, the court should have considered that another administrative court was still considering Ergashev's application for political asylum. Sharofiddin Gadoev, leader of the Movement for Reforms and Development, confirmed that the deportation process has already begun. Ergashev is likely to be sent back to Tajikistan on November 6. “The decision to deport Ergashev strengthens the authoritarian system in Tajikistan and increases fear among political activists,” Gadoev said. He said there may be an agreement between Germany and Tajikistan to deport activists forcibly. Ergashev's lawyer has filed an appeal with the Supreme Court but is unavailable for comment. Dozens of Tajik citizens have moved to Europe in recent years, many of whom disagree with their country's policies. Germany has previously deported activists such as Abdullo Shamsiddin and Bilol Kurbonaliev, who were sentenced to long prison terms upon their return home. Also extradited from Austria to Tajikistan in 2020 was Hizbullo Shovalizoda, a member of the banned Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan. He has been sentenced to 20 years in prison.

Tajikistan and ADB Sign Grant for Green Corridor Initiative

On November 1, Tajikistan's Ministry of Finance signed a grant agreement worth $86.6 million with the Asian Development Bank (ADB) for a “Green Corridor Demonstration Project”. This project aims to reconstruct 49 kilometers of Tajikistan's Dangara-Gulistan highway, expand it to four lanes with a "Green Road" element, add 48.8 kilometers of bicycle lanes, and build two charging roads. The AIIB has approved a $75.5 million loan for Tajikistan to build a 920-meter bridge, connecting 350,000 people in the northeast to Dushanbe and regional towns and the border of Kyrgyzstan.

Risk and Reward: Why Savvy Investors Should Dive into Central Asia-Caspian Region

Central Asia-Caspian basin has long been a geopolitical chessboard — fragmented by conflict but dependent on cooperation. In an era of shifting alliances, political instability, and economic uncertainty, multinational corporations (MNCs) must reassess their strategies. While the region's challenges remain considerable, it also presents unique investment opportunities that should not be overlooked. Since the 1990s, operating in post-Soviet Eurasia has been synonymous with political risks. The Central Asian states have sought foreign direct investment (FDI) but face significant obstacles, including weak rule-of-law, inconsistent regulatory frameworks, and entrenched corruption. Yet despite these barriers, the region continues to attract international capital, signaling its long-term potential. Traditionally reliant on oil and gas exports, these countries are now pivoting toward diversification. Nations like Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan are strengthening ties with the European Union (EU) to balance their historical reliance on Russia’s energy network. This shift is opening new frontiers for investment, particularly in green energy, infrastructure, and technology. However, geopolitical instability remains a critical risk. The war in Ukraine has intensified uncertainties, with Russia, China, the EU, and the U.S. vying for influence. Energy security, once an afterthought, has become a central issue. The closure of the Novorossiysk terminal in early 2023, halting Kazakh oil exports, underscored how quickly geopolitical disruptions can affect supply chains, prompting companies like ExxonMobil to reassess their regional strategies. Yet this volatility also creates opportunities. The region’s economic shift away from resource dependence toward a knowledge-based economy offers fertile ground for businesses willing to invest in infrastructure, technology, and renewable energy. The Caspian basin’s strategic location, as a transit hub for energy to Europe, only heightens its importance in the EU’s efforts to reduce dependency on Russian supplies. For international businesses, this means new markets, sectors, and investment channels are emerging. The post-Covid landscape adds complexity, with digital transformation accelerating across industries. Countries in the Central Asia-Caspian basin are under pressure to adopt these technologies, which could drive long-term economic growth. Yet the gap between ambitious reform plans and their implementation remains wide. Regulatory inefficiencies and bureaucratic hurdles continue to hamper progress, presenting a challenge for foreign investors looking for stability. For multinational corporations, the region presents both risks and significant upsides. On one hand, border disputes, political unpredictability, and regulatory uncertainty create barriers. On the other, the region’s growing role as an energy transit hub and its emerging sectors, from green energy to infrastructure, offer promising avenues for investment. Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, in particular, have been proactive in bolstering energy exports to Europe, positioning themselves as critical players in the global energy transition. If the conflict in Ukraine continues to escalate, the region’s geopolitical risks will undoubtedly increase. However, external actors — particularly the U.S., the EU, and China — are also likely to deepen their involvement, further reshaping the region’s economic and political landscape. The rise of Sino-American tensions only adds another layer of complexity to an already volatile environment. Yet, for companies that can navigate these complexities, the rewards are significant. Central Asia-Caspian basin remains...

More High Profile Detentions in Tajikistan’s Alleged Coup Case

Two more people have been detained in Tajikistan as part of an alleged coup attempt case involving prominent figures in the country, Radio Ozodi has reported, citing an anonymous source. Official agencies have yet to confirm the information, and journalists have yet to be able to procure comments. According to the source, the detainees include former GKNB (State Committee on National Security) officers Nuramin Ganizoda and Jamshed Boyev. Ganizoda, a retired colonel, was formerly an aide to former Foreign Minister Hamrokhon Zarifi and worked briefly in Tajikistan's Audit Chamber. Boyev, known only as a retired captain, holds Russian citizenship and receives a pension there. Both were detained in June, shortly after Zarifi's arrest. Saidjafar Usmonzoda, former chairman of the Democratic Party and ex-member of parliament, has been detained in this high-profile case since June. Others involved include Akbarsho Iskandarov, former chairman of Tajikistan’s Supreme Soviet; Ahmadshokh Komilzoda, journalist and deputy chairman of the Democratic Party; Hamrokhon Zarifi; Shokirjon Hakimov, first deputy chairman of the Social Democratic Party; and Abdulfayz Atoi, former spokesperson for the Tajik Foreign Ministry. The detainees face charges of attempted forcible seizure of power and incitement of inter-ethnic hatred. These charges carry significant prison sentences. In August, Prosecutor General Yusuf Rakhmon said several other people were under investigation without revealing their names. The case was initially scheduled to go to the Supreme Court in September, but was returned for further investigation. It has not been possible to contact the detainees or their relatives - the case has been classified, and there are no official comments from the Prosecutor General's Office.

Mixed Picture: Perceptions of China in Central Asia

China’s growing presence in Central Asia is seen as an economic opportunity by many in the region, but is also viewed with concern by others who fear so-called debt traps and land grabs. A new report on those perceptions of China stresses that there is no overarching Central Asian viewpoint and points to nuance in attitudes among the different countries. The study by the Central Asia Barometer, a polling group that has said it will suspend operations on December 1 because of insecurity and other obstacles to carrying out its work, is significant because a lot of news about China and Central Asia focuses on official pronouncements by governments and business groups. Assessing public opinion can be more of a challenge in countries with a top-down tradition of leadership. “Favorability towards China varies widely across countries, with younger generations in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan generally viewing China’s involvement more positively, particularly in areas like technology and investment,” the Central Asia Barometer said. “Older generations in these countries tend to be more skeptical, though. In Turkmenistan, the older population is more optimistic about China’s role, especially with regard to Chinese workers and investment.” The non-governmental group also noted “a decline or even negative favorability” in perceptions of China among people in Uzbekistan. The study, titled “Beyond the Silk Road” and released on Friday, is based on multiple surveys of opinions of China between 2017 and 2023 in four Central Asian states -Kazakhstan,  Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and  Uzbekistan. There was no data from Tajikistan. Perceptions of China depended on demographic factors such as ethnicity, age and gender, as well as the impact of specific Chinese infrastructure projects, and sources of information. Content on social media, for example, tended to improve attitudes toward Chinese business ventures. As of 2024, China has surpassed Russia as the top trading partner for most countries in Central Asia and is a major source of foreign investment and loans, a potential windfall that is tempered by concern about a lack of transparency in Chinese business practices. A Caspian Policy Institute analysis that was published in August explored negative perceptions of China. In July, Chinese leader Xi Jinping, architect of the Belt and Road economic initiative, traveled to Kazakhstan for a meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, a security group whose founding members include several Central Asian countries. There, Xi celebrated Chinese collaboration with President Vladimir Putin of Russia, the region’s other traditional power. Then he visited Tajikistan, a security partner that borders China and Afghanistan. The Central Asia Barometer said its data indicated a decline among some Central Asian populations in favorable views of Russia, coinciding with a change in feelings about China. “In 2022, after the Russian invasion of Ukraine, an upward shift in favorability toward China in Kazakhstan was observed while at the same time a pronounced drop in Russia’s favorability was noted,” it noted. Even so, China is not expected to supplant Russia’s longstanding influence in Central Asia. A commentary published by the Royal United Services Institute in early...

Tajikistan and Kuwait Sign Nine Cooperation Agreements

Tajik President Emomali Rahmon began his official visit to Kuwait on November 3. He met with the country’s leaders and finalized agreements to strengthen bilateral cooperation. Following discussions, Tajikistan and Kuwait signed nine key documents to enhance their collaboration, the President’s press service reports. In the presence of Rahmon and Crown Prince Sheikh Sabah al-Khalid Al-Hamad Al-Mubarak Al-Sabah, both sides signed: • A Memorandum of Cooperation between the Foreign Ministries of Tajikistan and Kuwait’s Diplomatic Academy; • A protocol to amend the double taxation agreement between the two countries; • A memorandum on labor regulation in the private sector; • Agreements on trade and industrial cooperation; • A cooperation agreement between Tajikistan’s National Information Agency “Khovar” and Kuwait’s State Information Agency “KUNA”; • Memorandums covering sports, standardization, and physical culture; • An executive tourism program for 2024-2026. Rahmon is quoted as saying: “We are ready to take practical steps to strengthen our relations further.” The discussions emphasized the importance of increasing the intergovernmental joint commission’s activities and establishing an Entrepreneur Council and a Joint Investment Fund between the two nations. Rahmon also thanked Sheikh Mishaal Al-Ahmad Al-Jabir Al-Sabah for the Kuwait Development Fund’s support of critical projects in Tajikistan, particularly in road construction, energy, and irrigation. Additionally, both leaders discussed expanding Kuwaiti investment into Tajikistan’s light, food, metallurgy, pharmaceutical, and agriculture industries. The Emir of Kuwait recognized Rahmon’s initiatives in empowering women and shared Kuwait’s similar efforts, highlighting recent appointments of women to senior government roles. The signed memorandum on private-sector labor regulation was celebrated as a step toward cooperation, further solidifying the growing partnership between Tajikistan and Kuwait.