Turkmenistan International Affairs - The Times Of Central Asia

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EU-Central Asia Summit

Inside the EU’s New Power Play in Eurasia

Kaja Kallas’s late-March 2025 tour of Central Asia, in her role as the European Union’s High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, was a high-signal intervention in structural terms. It indicates a major re-evaluation of the EU’s posture toward a region historically treated as a far-flung, liminal borderland. As the inaugural EU–Central Asia Summit in Samarkand on April 3–4 approaches, her visible diplomatic activity was less about spectacle than about configuring a new field of co-adaptive engagement. Not only the European Union but also, separately, the United Kingdom are both seeking new regional footholds for building durable alignments. Central Asia, for decades considered through a lens of post-Soviet dependency or one of Chinese infrastructural absorption, is now increasingly recognized as a network node of emergent geopolitical agency. No longer just a space "between" other spaces, it is becoming a strategic space in its own right. Kallas’s mission and the UK’s parallel outreach signify a turn toward a negotiated interdependence that does not dissolve classical interest-based diplomacy but rather "complexifies" it by embedding it in a landscape of developmental trajectories and overlapping power centers. The arc of Kallas’s visit traced a deliberate sequence: Ashgabat, Tashkent, Almaty, Bishkek. In Ashgabat, she chaired the 20th EU–Central Asia Ministerial Meeting, a session nominally bureaucratic but substantively strategic. Discussions reaffirmed the 2023 EU–Central Asia Roadmap and activated the Global Gateway as an organizing frame for infrastructural, digital, and energy cooperation. Bilateral exchanges with officials in Turkmenistan brought the sensitive issue of sanctions circumvention into the open: Turkmenistan, though nominally neutral, remains enmeshed in logistics corridors proximate to Russian interest. From there, Kallas moved to Uzbekistan, where preparations for the April 3–4 Samarkand summit took clearer shape. Talks with President Shavkat Mirziyoyev and Foreign Minister Bakhtiyor Saidov in Tashkent widened the terrain of diplomatic discourse to include the energy transition, educational exchange, and regional transport integration. By hosting summits and fostering cooperation, Uzbekistan is seeking to establish for itself a profile as a key facilitator in Eurasian affairs. In Kazakhstan, her final significant stop, the meetings with President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and Foreign Minister Murat Nurtleu emphasized macroeconomic diversification and critical raw material supply chains. These are areas in which the EU is not merely a partner but a principal stakeholder. And yet, it is not only the EU that has begun this strategic deepening. The United Kingdom, post-Brexit and still actively reconfiguring its global engagements, has moved in parallel. April 2025 marked the first anniversary of the UK–Kazakhstan Strategic Partnership and Cooperation Agreement. Foreign Office Minister Stephen Doughty’s recent hosting of the Kazakhstan–UK Strategic Dialogue marked 33 years of formal relations. These diplomatic celebrations, beyond their performativity, represent the UK’s recognition that Kazakhstan, and Central Asia more broadly, is a region where its strategic, commercial, and normative interests intersect. In this broader convergence, Kazakhstan plays a central structural role of a balancing nature. It shares long borders with both Russia and China; it hosts a significant Russian-speaking population; and it has maintained a political posture...

Russia

EU’s Kaja Kallas: Russia Must Not Use Central Asia to Bypass Sanctions

European Union sanctions against Russia are affecting Central Asian economies, but the EU remains determined to prevent the region from being used to circumvent those measures. This was emphasized by EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs Kaja Kallas during the 20th EU-Central Asia Ministerial Meeting held in Turkmenistan's capital, Ashgabat. “The EU has introduced 16 sanctions packages to weaken Russia’s military machine, and we are working on the 17th,” Kallas stated. “I understand these sanctions impact your economy, but we all want this war to end. Russian companies must not use Central Asia to bypass these restrictions.” The ministerial meeting on March 27 brought together the foreign ministers of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Discussions centered on preparations for the upcoming EU-Central Asia Summit, scheduled for April 2025 in Samarkand. Strengthening U.S.-Uzbekistan Ties In a parallel development, U.S.-Uzbekistan relations are showing signs of deeper engagement. On March 26, Ambassador Furkat Sidikov hosted a Congressional Breakfast with U.S. Representative Trent Kelly, focused on trade and investment opportunities. Congressman Kelly praised Uzbekistan’s ongoing reforms and expressed support for lifting the Jackson-Vanik Amendment, a Cold War-era restriction on trade. A Shift in U.S. Strategy Toward Kazakhstan Meanwhile, experts are calling for a more nuanced U.S. approach to Kazakhstan. Dr. Robert M. Cutler, Times of Central Asia correspondent, noted that Kazakhstan’s close ties with Russia and China stem from geopolitical necessity rather than ideological alignment. He urged Washington to maintain consistent engagement with Kazakhstan and prioritize economic and strategic cooperation over political pressure.

EU-Central Asia Relations

EU’s Kallas Tours Central Asia Ahead of Landmark Samarkand Summit

Last week, Kaja Kallas, the European Union's High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission, toured Central Asia in advance of the first-ever EU-Central Asia Summit. The notable meeting is set to take place in the ancient Uzbek city of Samarkand on April 3-4. EU-Central Asia Summit Samarkand, a city increasingly popular among international travelers, has hosted high-level gatherings before, including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization Summit in September 2022. However, the upcoming summit marks the first time the top leadership of all five post-Soviet Central Asian republics will convene with the EU at this level. Key topics on the agenda include energy cooperation, trade corridors, and climate change. The summit is expected to produce several agreements that will outline the progress of EU-Central Asia relations and establish strategic policy directions for the future. Visit to Turkmenistan Kallas began her tour in Ashgabat, where she chaired the 20th EU-Central Asia Foreign Ministers’ Meeting. There, she addressed the implications of EU sanctions on Russia. “The European Union has enacted 16 sanctions packages and is currently preparing the 17th. I understand these measures impact the region’s economies, but Russian companies must not be allowed to use Central Asia to circumvent them,” Kallas warned. The meeting also focused on the EU-Central Asia roadmap adopted in Luxembourg in October 2023. Discussions centered on deepening trade, economic, and transport ties, along with expanding digital connectivity as part of the EU's Global Gateway initiative. Kallas also met with Turkmen President Serdar Berdimuhamedov, praising Turkmenistan’s development and expressing appreciation for bilateral cooperation. Her remarks drew criticism from some observers. Belarusian political analyst Dzmitry Balkunets criticized Kallas on social media, accusing the EU of compromising its values by praising authoritarian regimes. Uzbekistan Visit In Tashkent, Kallas met with President Shavkat Mirziyoyev. Discussions highlighted the upcoming Samarkand summit and stressed the importance of deepening EU-Uzbek cooperation in trade, logistics, digitalization, green energy, and infrastructure. Both sides also explored steps toward a new enhanced partnership agreement and Uzbekistan’s accession to the World Trade Organization. Visit to Kazakhstan Kallas concluded her tour in Astana, where she met with President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev on March 28. A statement from Tokayev’s office underlined Kazakhstan’s cautious diplomatic approach to global tensions. "President Tokayev emphasized the importance of restraint and responsibility in evaluating complex global developments. Kazakhstan remains committed to resolving international conflicts through diplomacy," the statement read. Analysts suggest Kallas may have encouraged Tokayev to distance Astana from both Moscow and Washington, as Brussels often diverges from Washington on issues like the war in Ukraine. However, Tokayev reiterated Kazakhstan’s multi-vector foreign policy, which avoids aligning with any single global power. In a notable development, Tokayev met with Uzbek President Mirziyoyev last weekend in Almaty. Though unannounced, the working visit suggests that the two leaders were coordinating positions ahead of the Samarkand summit. Whether their joint stance aligns with Brussels' expectations remains to be seen.

EU Relations

Opinion: In Central Asia, the EU Defies Its “Geopolitical Dwarf” Label

As the United States and Russia reportedly aim to create a new global security architecture, other major actors in the international arena are working to improve their positions in the redefined world order. Often underestimated in terms of its geopolitical influence, the European Union has actively focused its attention on the post-Soviet space, particularly the strategically important Central Asian region. The EU, despite Russia’s and the United States' attempts to undermine its role in the settlement of the Ukraine War and to portray it as a “geopolitical dwarf”, is seeking to increase its presence in global affairs. In Central Asia, the 27-nation bloc is often viewed as a key actor that Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan can rely on to balance China’s growing dominance, as well as their security and dependence on Moscow. The EU's desire to strengthen cooperation with Central Asia can be seen as Brussels’ attempt to reduce Russia's influence in the region. Indeed, bogged down in Ukraine, Moscow is slowly but surely being pushed out of Central Asia – a region that has traditionally been within the Kremlin’s geopolitical orbit. As a result, China has managed to significantly increase its economic presence in all five Central Asian nations. The EU is now attempting to do the same. The recent visit of the European Commissioner for International Partnerships Jozef Síkela to Central Asia, as well as the upcoming EU-Central Asia summit scheduled for April 3-4, 2025 in Samarkand, clearly indicates the intensifying geopolitical competition between the EU and China over the region. One of Síkela’s major goals was to expand the scope of the EU's investment strategy, Global Gateway, in Central Asia. The project, launched in 2021, is often viewed as the EU’s version of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As part of its strategy to increase its economic presence in Central Asia, the European Union seems to have four priorities: the development of transport infrastructure (particularly the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route, also known as the Middle Corridor), cooperation in raw materials, digital connectivity, and the development of the water resources, energy, and climate sectors. The problem for Brussels is that China, due to its proximity to Central Asia and the lack of bureaucratic procedures, is ahead of the EU in most, if not all of these areas. Beijing has had 12 years to strengthen economic ties with the region through the BRI. As a result, in 2024, China’s overall turnover with Central Asia reached $94.8 billion, nearly double the EU's trade volume with the region in 2022, which stood at $47 billion. Last year, the world’s second-largest economy replaced Russia as Kazakhstan's biggest trade partner. In neighboring Uzbekistan, it remains the top trading partner, while in Tajikistan, over the past 18 years, China has become the major investor in the landlocked nation’s economy. The same applies to Tajikistan and China’s neighbor Kyrgyzstan. The European Union, however, is now intensifying its efforts to position itself as a major foreign power operating in Central Asia. According to...

RFE/RL

Opinion: What the Loss of RFE/RL Would Mean for Central Asia

The decision to terminate the federal grant agreement funding for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) is a crushing blow for hundreds of millions of people. These people know their governments are not telling them the full truth about what is happening in their countries or in the world outside. The objective information provided by RFE/RL has been important to people such as these. Perhaps as important, since the end of the Cold War, was the platform RFE/RL provides, whenever possible, for people in these countries to explain their views to the outside world. I know, because I worked at RFE/RL for 25 years covering Central Asia. RFE/RL was founded in 1950, and I didn’t show up there until 1997. I can only speak about what I saw and heard when I was an RFE/RL employee. My understanding of my tasks as an RFE/RL employee was that we were supposed to keep close track of what was happening in Central Asia, cover as many of the important topics of the region as possible, and make objective and accurate information on these topics available to the people in Central Asia. During Tajikistan’s 1992-1997 civil war, for example, RFE/RL’s Tajik service, Radio Ozodi, was the most trusted source of information for the people of Tajikistan. During the Coronavirus pandemic, the Turkmen government would not even allow the word COVID to be spoken and denied there were any cases of the virus in the country, leaving RFE/RL’s Turkmen service, Azatlyk, as one of the only sources of information for Turkmenistan’s people about the illness. I lived in Central Asia before joining RFE/RL, so I had some idea of what was important to people there. Calling for respect for fundamental rights is a big part of RFE/RL’s work. Read the constitutions of any Central Asian country and you will see enshrined there the right to freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, the right to freely receive or disseminate information, and much more. In practice, these rights are not always observed in Central Asia. In such a situations RFE/RL’s Central Asian services are a voice for those who, with good reason, are afraid to speak out publicly, or more importantly, for those who did speak out and are punished for that. At RFE/RL we looked for “impact stories,” testimony from people of the region about unfulfilled government promises, abuses, or state mismanagement that were hurting communities and individuals. Central Asian government officials are among the most faithful RFE/RL listeners, and often RFE/RL reports that raised social issues led officials to rectify the situation. Ramshackle buildings or schools were suddenly repaired, electricity or running water became accessible to city districts and rural areas, sufficient food became available to communities. The pleas of average citizens too often fell on deaf ears in government halls, but the criticism of an international organization such as RFE/RL, which was broadcasting to the entire country and Central Asian region, was too embarrassing for officials to ignore. This made RFE/RL unpopular with Central...

RFE/RL

From Enemy Waves to Fading Signals: Radio Liberty’s Journey in Central Asia

I went to school in Almaty, Kazakhstan, in the 1970s. This period in the Soviet Union is now commonly referred to as the "Era of Stagnation." We felt its effects firsthand. We did not know what freedom of speech was. All media belonged to the state, and all were "party-affiliated." Since there was only one party in the USSR, the Communist Party, all information was exclusively communist. Naturally, the media spoke only of the incredible successes of the working class and the over-fulfillment of party and government plans. We found this completely uninteresting, so we searched for alternative sources of information. Radio broadcasting helped. Almost every home had a radio receiver capable of picking up various wave frequencies. That was when I first heard Voice of America, Radio Liberty, and the BBC. My father listened to these stations. Around the age of 14–15, I also began to listen to these "enemy voices," as they were called at the time. I was primarily interested in the news reports about events that the Soviet press did not cover. And, of course, music. Western radio stations were one of the few sources of information about Western music, which was largely ignored in the USSR. Yes, even music was under ideological pressure. Today, not everyone remembers, but back then, popular bands released new albums almost annually. It was an incredible time for the invention of new sounds — Pink Floyd, Deep Purple, Rainbow, Led Zeppelin, The Rolling Stones, The Beatles, Manfred Mann's Earth Band, 10cc, and many other artists who are now largely forgotten. But they were giants of their time. Thanks to musical radio programs, we were aware of what was happening. The first broadcasts of the Russian Service of Radio Liberty, originally called "Radio Liberation," went on air on March 1, 1953. On March 18 of the same year, the Turkestan editorial office was established, broadcasting in several languages, including Kazakh, Uzbek, Kyrgyz, Tajik, Turkmen, Karakalpak, and Uyghur. Initially, broadcasts in Kazakh, known as "Bostandyk Radiosy" (Radio Liberation), aired four times a week for five minutes each. In the 1960s, the volume of Kazakh-language broadcasting increased to one hour per week, with a four-person team working on its production. By the late 1960s, the Turkestan editorial office was reorganized into "Northern" and "Southern" departments, with the Kazakh program included in the "Northern" department. Khasen Oraltai headed the Kazakh service. In 1971, the Turkestan Editorial Office was further divided into three separate editorial teams: "Turkestan-1," "Turkestan-2," and "Turkestan-3," with Kazakh-language broadcasts conducted through "Turkestan-3." By 1975, broadcast time had increased to half an hour in the morning and evening. Broadcasts were transmitted on shortwave from Munich. Radio Liberty had no correspondents within the Kazakh SSR. In the USSR, the station's broadcasts were jammed until 1988. In the foothills of Almaty, towers that housed jamming equipment for these broadcasts still stand today. In 1993, a Radio Liberty bureau was opened in Almaty, followed by a branch in Astana. However, after President Trump signed an...