Page 112 – The Times Of Central Asia

18 Sep 2025

Business & Economy, Kazakhstan, Kazakhstan Business & Economy

Future Games 2026 in Kazakhstan Face Possible Delay Over Funding

September 18, 2025
By Dmitry Pokidaev

Kazakh MP Sergey Ponomarev has proposed postponing the third edition of the Future Games, currently scheduled to be held in Kazakhstan in the summer of 2026, citing fiscal constraints.

The Future Games are international competitions that combine traditional sports with their digital counterparts, with overall results determining the winners. The inaugural event took place in Kazan, Russia, in early 2024. The second edition, originally planned for Kazakhstan in 2025, was moved to the United Arab Emirates after the Kazakh government redirected funds to flood recovery efforts. The UAE is now set to host the event in December 2025.

Speaking at a plenary session of the Mazhilis, Kazakhstan’s lower house of parliament, Ponomarev submitted a formal request to Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov urging the postponement of the 2026 event. He estimated the cost of hosting the Games at 62 billion tenge (approximately $115 million), warning that such expenditures may not be prudent amid current budgetary pressures.

“In 2024, the national budget posted a shortfall of 570.8 billion tenge (over $1 billion). Given the economic circumstances, it is worth questioning whether such large-scale spending in 2026 is appropriate,” Ponomarev stated. He noted that the estimated cost is equivalent to building at least six new schools.

The lawmaker stated that postponing the tournament would not diminish its importance for Kazakhstan’s IT sector or international reputation but would allow more time to prepare under better conditions. “We are confident that our partners will understand, and that the Head of State will support this decision,” he said.

The government has not yet issued an official response. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, the 2026 Future Games in Astana are expected to draw more than 1,500 athletes from nearly 100 countries, competing in 13 physical disciplines. The total prize fund is projected at $10 million.

18 Sep 2025

Business & Economy, Kazakhstan, Kazakhstan Business & Economy

Kazakhstan to Implement Artificial Intelligence in Social Assistance System

September 18, 2025
By Dmitry Pokidaev

The Ministry of Labor and Social Protection of Kazakhstan is preparing to introduce artificial intelligence (AI) to improve the allocation of Targeted Social Assistance (TSA).

TSA is a cash benefit for low-income citizens whose earnings fall below 35% of the national average. The assistance can be permanent for individuals with disabilities or conditional for able-bodied citizens who are temporarily unemployed but enrolled in retraining programs. The amount is determined as the difference between a family’s per capita income and the regional poverty line.

The ministry now plans to automate the eligibility assessment process using AI technologies.

“Today, we are training an AI model using the Random Forest Classifier, one of the most effective machine learning algorithms. It allows for more accurate and consistent results by analyzing multiple factors,” said Vice Minister of Labor and Social Protection Olzhas Anafin. “The model has undergone comprehensive validation and demonstrated over 90% accuracy, confirming its readiness for implementation.”

The system will soon launch in pilot mode to handle new TSA applications. During the initial phase, AI-generated decisions will serve as recommendations for local executive bodies, with the possibility of becoming an official eligibility criterion in the future. In the second stage, the ministry plans to enhance the model’s capabilities by applying computer vision technologies to analyze visual data, including photographs and videos submitted with applications.

According to ministry experts, this approach will enhance the objectivity of assessments regarding applicants’ living conditions and overall well-being. The resulting data will be used to further train the model. In the project’s third phase, the AI will assist in developing personalized support plans to help families move out of vulnerable circumstances.

President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has previously criticized the country’s social policy, stating that for over 15 years, the government “encouraged social dependency and social fraud” instead of pursuing rational reforms.

As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, the Ministry of Labor has also drafted legislation aimed at eliminating the widespread use of “gray” salaries, undeclared wages. Approximately 30% of Kazakhstan’s working population is estimated to fall outside the Unified Accumulative Pension Fund (UAPF) due to this practice.

18 Sep 2025

Home, Local Politics, Kyrgyzstan, Kyrgyzstan Local Politics, Features, Kyrgyzstan Features

From Jalal-Abad to Manas: Kyrgyzstan Writes Its Epic in Stone

September 29, 2025
By Stephen M. Bland

On September 18, Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov signed a law renaming the city of Jalal-Abad to Manas. Parliament had previously approved the bill unanimously on 10 September 2025, with lawmakers declaring that the change aims to strengthen national ideology and perpetuate the legacy of the Kyrgyz people’s national hero, Manas. The law will come into force ten days after its official publication.

History of Jalal-Abad

The city long known as Jalal-Abad sits in southern Kyrgyzstan, about 520 kilometers from Bishkek, near the Uzbek border. It traces its origins to a 19th-century caravanserai and spa. Jalal-Abad was first recognized as a town in 1877 under the Russian Empire, and its status was reaffirmed in 1927 during the Soviet period. Today, it is a regional hub of light industry, agriculture, and services, with a population of more than 180,000.

The city is famed for its mineral springs and the nearby walnut forests of the Ferghana foothills, which have been used for centuries as sources of food and medicine. Jalal-Abad has also been a focal point of Kyrgyz political life, serving as a southern stronghold during waves of protest that reshaped national politics.

Why “Manas”?

The Manas epic occupies a foundational place in Kyrgyz cultural identity. Recited by generations of manaschi (epic singers), it recounts the deeds of Manas, a legendary tribal leader who united the Kyrgyz and defended them from foreign enemies. The trilogy (Manas, Semetey, Seytek) runs to hundreds of thousands of lines, making it the longest epic poem in the world.

UNESCO describes the work as “an oral encyclopedia of the Kyrgyz people,” a living tradition that preserves values of unity, honor, hospitality, and courage. Performances of the epic remain central to weddings, funerals, and public celebrations. By renaming Jalal-Abad to Manas, lawmakers are seeking to embed these ideals in the civic identity of one of Kyrgyzstan’s largest cities.

Political Debate and Local Reactions

The renaming bill was introduced by Kudaibergen Bazarbaev, head of the State Agency for Civil Service and Local Government Affairs, and supported by both the Jalal-Abad City Council and the president’s regional representative. The cost of the change is estimated at about 15 million Kyrgyz som (roughly $150,000), to be paid from the local budget.

The debate in parliament highlighted the symbolic weight of the change. MP Mirlan Samyikozho told colleagues: “There should be no news on the Internet about Manas prostitutes, Manas corrupt officials, Manas rapists in the future.” Others suggested shifting the image of Manas away from the traditional horse-mounted warrior to that of a just ruler on a throne.

Supporters say the change reflects the wishes of residents and strengthens national pride. Critics argue it diverts attention from pressing issues such as infrastructure and employment. On social media, reactions have been mixed. An Instagram post documenting the decision drew both celebratory comments about cultural pride and skeptical remarks about municipal spending priorities.

The Epic as National Symbol

For many Kyrgyz, the name Manas is synonymous with the nation itself. The epic is woven into language, literature, and art, serving as a storehouse of collective memory. Scholars note that the poem not only chronicles battles and heroes but also encapsulates philosophy, moral codes, and customs.

Former President Askar Akayev once described the epic as “our spiritual foundation, our pride, our strength, and our hope.” By attaching this name to a major city, today’s leaders are hoping to reaffirm those values.

The Manas Air Base Legacy

The name also carries more recent, more controversial associations. From 2001 until 2014, the U.S. military operated the Transit Center at Manas at Bishkek’s international airport, a key hub for airlift and refueling operations, before formally handing it back to Kyrgyz authorities. Established in the wake of the September 11 attacks, it became a crucial transit hub for U.S. and NATO operations in Afghanistan. At its peak, it hosted around 3,000 troops and dozens of aircraft, moving personnel and billions of liters of fuel.

Initially welcomed as an economic boon, the base soon became entangled in scandal. Local fuel contracts were monopolized by well-connected elites, and only contractors willing to pay bribes were able to gain access. Public anger deepened after the 2006 killing of a local driver by a U.S. serviceman, who escaped punishment.

Kyrgyz presidents repeatedly used the base as a bargaining chip between Washington and Moscow. In 2009, President Kurmanbek Bakiyev announced its closure after securing a $2 billion aid package from Russia, only to reverse course and demand sharply higher U.S. rent payments. The maneuver backfired; Bakiyev was overthrown in a 2010 revolution fueled in part by perceptions of corruption.

Ultimately, President Almazbek Atambayev ordered the base’s closure. In June 2014, U.S. forces handed over the facility, ending 13 years of operations. The departure cost Kyrgyzstan an estimated $350 million annually in contracts, fuel purchases, and airport fees, along with $60 million in rent, around 3% of the state budget at the time. Russia consolidated its influence soon afterward, deepening Kyrgyzstan’s integration into Moscow’s economic and security orbit.

What the Renaming Means

Renaming Jalal-Abad to Manas ties together multiple strands of Kyrgyz history, invoking the epic hero as a symbol of unity, identity, and moral strength. It also echoes the memory of geopolitical contests that once swirled around the Manas Air Base.

For residents, the change means new signage, documents, and postal addresses. For the nation, it is meant to inspire pride and responsibility. Whether the city now called Manas can embody the virtues of its namesake rather than the corruption associated with the base that bore the same name remains to be seen.

As one lawmaker put it, the renaming is not just symbolic but a responsibility: citizens must ensure the city lives up to the honor of being named for their national hero.

18 Sep 2025

Russia’s Crackdown Forces Central Asia to Rethink Labor Migration

October 9, 2025
By Andrei Matveev

The most recent World Bank study on labor migration highlighted the immense scale of the issue, describing it as “an ongoing development challenge in Europe and Central Asia, which is currently home to 100 million migrants,” roughly one-third of all migrants globally. Historically, Russia has been the primary destination for Central Asia’s mobile labor force. However, since March 2024, Moscow’s increasingly restrictive migration policies have forced Central Asian states to confront a dual challenge: managing displaced workers and rethinking the logistics of cross-border labor flows.

As of 2023, more than 80% of labor migrants from Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan were working in Russia. Migration from Uzbekistan was more diversified, with 57% of migrants heading to Russia, 15% to Kazakhstan, and 10% to Ukraine.

For millions across the region, labor migration remains a vital economic lifeline. According to the World Bank report, The Journey Ahead: Supporting Successful Migration in Europe and Central Asia, remittances in 2024 accounted for 45% of Tajikistan’s GDP, the highest ratio globally. In Kyrgyzstan, remittances made up 24% of GDP, while in Uzbekistan the figure was 14%. A 2025 update increased the figure for Tajikistan further still, noting that domestic consumption was “supported by large remittance inflows – peaking at 49% of GDP in 2024.”

Since the start of the war in Ukraine, rhetoric in the Russian media and among some politicians toward Central Asian migrants has increasingly shifted toward overt hostility. Following the March 2024 terrorist attack at Moscow’s Crocus City Hall, in which Tajik nationals were named among the suspects, Russia began implementing harsher measures. This included widespread street inspections of Kyrgyz, Uzbek, and Tajik citizens, alongside new, more restrictive legal frameworks.

While certain steps, such as mandatory biometric data collection, were officially justified by security concerns, other policies have further complicated daily life for foreign nationals. For example, since January 2025, all foreign-owned SIM cards in Russia have been deactivated. Foreign citizens must now register with government agencies to obtain new mobile services, a policy framed as a response to telecom fraud.

Another measure, introduced on June 30, requires citizens of visa-free countries to register in the “Gosuslugi RuID” app before entering Russia. They must obtain a digital code to pass border control, effectively instituting a pre-entry surveillance mechanism.

Kazakhstan was the first to publicly respond, with Foreign Ministry spokesman Aibek Smadiyarov refusing to rule out reciprocal measures against Russian citizens. “We are studying this issue very carefully. It requires consultations with our government agencies,” Smadiyarov said.

Yet, despite these developments, none of the Central Asian countries currently maintains a comprehensive migration strategy equipped to handle these shifting dynamics. In Kazakhstan, the issue came to the fore in 2025 with a noticeable influx of Tajik nationals, the group most affected by Russia’s new rules.

At a government meeting in late July, officials noted that Kazakhstan had recorded a positive migration balance for the second consecutive year, as well as a 1.5-fold increase in the number of foreign citizens permanently residing in the country.

“The importance of transparent and accurate monitoring of migration processes was emphasized,” the Prime Minister’s press service reported. “A migrant ID card will be introduced at border crossings, enabling comprehensive tracking of foreigners’ movements.”

By November 1, the Ministries of Labor and Social Protection, Digital Development, and Aerospace Industry have been tasked with launching a Unified Digital Platform for Migration Monitoring. The new digital card appears to be Kazakhstan’s implicit response to Russia’s shifting migration regime.

Uzbekistan, however, has taken a different approach. In August 2025, in partnership with the European Union and the International Centre for Migration Policy Development, a Migrant Resource Center was opened in Tashkent. The facility offers pre-departure consultations, information on legal employment opportunities, and reintegration support for returning workers. Tashkent is also actively seeking to redirect labor flows away from Russia and toward Europe.

In contrast, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan are still assessing the potential fallout. In Kyrgyzstan, returning migrants have already clashed with incoming workers from Pakistan and Bangladesh, raising tensions on the local labor market. Tajikistan has announced a “Migration Regulation Strategy until 2040,” though its specifics remain undisclosed. The long timeframe suggests a low level of urgency in planning for the return or reintegration of its labor force.

Observers across Kazakhstan, meanwhile, have reported a visible increase in Tajik nationals settling in major cities, a trend likely to continue if Russia maintains its current course.

Once a lifeline for three of Central Asia’s five republics, labor migration to Russia is now under increasing strain, pressuring governments to rethink economic dependencies and migration strategies amid a rapidly shifting geopolitical landscape.

18 Sep 2025

Home, Justice, Kazakhstan Justice, Kazakhstan, Features, Kazakhstan Featurees

Montenegro Will Not Extradite NeMolchi Founder to Kazakhstan

September 19, 2025
By Bruce Pannier

The authorities in Montenegro have decided that the director of Kazakhstan’s NeMolchi.kz (Don’t be silent) foundation, Dina Smailova (Tansari), will not be deported to Kazakhstan, where she faces charges of knowingly disseminating false information, violation of privacy, and fraud.

Smailova’s Legal Battles and Exile

Since 2017, Smailova has faced a plethora of criminal cases. In 2021, she left Kazakhstan and relocated to Georgia. After she departed, Almaty police launched new inquiries against her. In June 2022, Smailova said that these investigations were opened “because I criticize the activities of the Almaty police, because I demand the resignation of the leadership, because I do not recognize the police who torture our people in their dungeons!”

In early 2024, Smailova left Georgia and requested asylum in the European Union, and in April of that year, she was detained in Montenegro based on an Interpol warrant from Kazakhstan’s Interior Ministry.

Kazakhstan and Montenegro do not have an extradition agreement, so Montenegrin officials needed time to consider the Kazakh authorities’ request to repatriate Smailova to Kazakhstan. Smailova was therefore quickly freed from custody but remained in Montenegro, and in July, she and her husband, Almat Mukhamedzhanov, were granted international protection status in the country, signaling that she was unlikely to be extradited.

On September 4, Montenegro’s Supreme Court ruled to deny Kazakhstan’s request for her extradition, and on September 12, Smailova wrote on Facebook that the decision had come into force.

NeMolchi.kz is an organization that defends the rights of women and children in Kazakhstan and reports on incidents of domestic violence, a problem that has become more visible in the country in recent years. Violence against women has become a priority issue for the Kazakh government, especially since the high-profile murder of a young woman named Saltanat Nukenova in 2023.

The Nukenova Case and Public Outcry

Saltanat Nukenova was killed in an Astana restaurant by her husband, Kuandyk Bishimbayev, a former Kazakh Minister of National Economy. Bishimbayev was convicted of taking bribes and, in March 2018, was sentenced to ten years in prison. His term was later reduced to four years, and he was eventually released early in December 2020.

On November 9, 2023, Bishimbayev and Nukenova went to an Astana restaurant where they had a private room reserved. Bishimbayev and Nukenova quarreled, following which Bishimbayev severely beat his wife, then waited several hours while she lay dying from head injuries he inflicted on her before calling for medical help.

Later that same month, it was reported that the police in East Kazakhstan Province had started investigating Smailova for fraud. Police questioned “hundreds” of people who had donated to NeMolchi.kz, on the suspicion that Smailova had used some of the donated money for personal purchases. Before the end of 2023, formal charges were lodged against Smailova, and Kazakhstan put out an international warrant for her arrest.

Bishimbayev’s trial was televised and drew a huge audience in Kazakhstan. He was found guilty and sentenced to 24 years in prison. The details of the beating of Nukenova shocked the country and put a needed spotlight on the problem of domestic abuse.

Legislative Reforms and Ongoing Tensions

In the wake of Nukenova’s murder, Kazakhstan’s government passed several laws strengthening protection for women. In June 2024, new legislation, dubbed “Saltanat’s Law,” came into effect that criminalizes violence against women and children.

Kazakhstan introduced criminal liability for forced marriage on September 16, 2025. Bride kidnapping, or alap qashu, while not widespread, remains a problem in parts of Central Asia, particularly in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan. In August, meanwhile, Kazakhstan’s General Prosecutor’s Office announced a new law establishing criminal liability for stalking had come into effect.

Since “Saltanat’s Law” came onto the statute books, in the first five months of 2025, reports of domestic violence dropped by 20.5% compared to the same period in 2024. The number of serious domestic crimes fell by 29%, while particularly serious offenses declined by 44%.

Natural Allies

It is difficult to shake the feeling that the Kazakh government and Smailova should have sufficient common ground to work together to combat domestic violence. A survivor of a gang rape when she was young, Smailova has been criticizing the authorities for not doing enough to protect women and girls from abuse since she formed NeMolchi.kz in 2016. That has clearly made her some enemies.

In March 2024, the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders released a statement that said since 2017, “there has been a pattern of persecution targeting Dinara Smailova. Criminal cases against her have reportedly been opened, suspended or closed, and then reopened 16 times.”

That statement credited NeMolchi.kz with legislation passed in Kazakhstan in late 2019, “tightening responsibility for rape and strengthening the prevention of domestic and sexual violence.”

Smailova’s NeMolchi.kz continues to post on Facebook, drawing attention to the ongoing problem of violence against women in Kazakhstan and criticizing the authorities for not doing more to prevent these abuses.

Kazakh investigators are not backing down from their latest charges against Smailova, while she continues to publicly question whether the authorities are regularly enforcing the laws against domestic violence.

Both the Kazakh government and Smailova and NeMolchi.kz are seemingly working toward the same goals, but they do so while fending off each other’s attacks.

18 Sep 2025

Home, Uzbekistan, Life & Culture, Uzbekistan Features, Uzbekistan Life & Culture

Book Launch at the U.S. Capitol: New Uzbekistan: The Path of Shavkat Mirziyoyev

September 18, 2025
By Javier M. Piedra

On September 16, the Embassy of Uzbekistan in Washington, D.C., hosted a book launch at the Rayburn Building on Capitol Hill for New Uzbekistan: The Path of Shavkat Mirziyoyev. The event drew diplomats, congressional staff, and representatives from companies such as General Motors and Boeing.

The keynote address was delivered by Sodyq Safayev, First Deputy Chairperson of Uzbekistan’s Senate. Other speakers included Husan Ermatov, the book’s Uzbek-language editor and advisor to Uzbekistan’s Ishonch newspaper; Eldor Aripov, Director of the Institute for Strategic and Regional Studies under the President of Uzbekistan; Lisa Choate, President and CEO of American Councils; and Elena Son, Executive Director of the American-Uzbekistan Chamber of Commerce.

Speakers highlighted Uzbekistan’s recent trajectory, noting shifts from a state-controlled economy and limited international engagement (1993–2016) to more market-oriented policies and broader foreign relations (2017–present).

They also framed today’s Uzbekistan as shaped by historical experiences and cultural development, which some described as an “Uzbek Renaissance.” According to the speakers, President Mirziyoyev has promoted reforms in areas including governance, socio-economic development, and international outreach.

Safayev remarked: “this [book signing] is not just about diplomacy but about shared values, mutual understanding, and a common vision of the future. The book before you, authored by Qudratilla Rafiqov, Uzbek scholar and political scientist, is a chronicle of change, resilience, and hope. The most difficult part of this book is a [description of the] transformation of hearts and minds. Its central message is simple and powerful: the history of Uzbekistan is written by people through their interactions and aspirations. And justice lies at the heart of reform.” By justice, he clarified, he meant fairness—ensuring that citizens have opportunities for family stability, safety, and employment.

While the book presents Uzbekistan’s current government agenda in a favorable light, it also introduces new readers to the President’s stated priorities: attracting investment, promoting rule of law and fairness, liberalizing the economy, restructuring social policies, contributing to global peace efforts, and maintaining pragmatic security and foreign policy strategies.

Aripov emphasized that the book is “not really about reforms, or about a leader who has been able to initiate and implement large-scale transformation in a very short period of time. It is a testimony to a new era into which Uzbekistan is entering. Today, hopes are rising in Uzbekistan, a sense of national pride is strengthened, and ambitions are being achieved that only recently seemed unattainable. These changes are being felt by ordinary citizens. They see how their lives are improving, how opportunities are expanding, and how confidence in the future is becoming a reality. That is why this book is not only a chronicle of, but also a symbol of faith that Uzbekistan can become one of the centers of sustainable development, openness and cooperation in Eurasia and the wider world. Why do I believe this to be the case? Because, under my President, the country has moved from ‘guarded isolation’ to ‘post-purposeful openness,’ from managing risks to exporting stability, and from ad hoc transactions to rules-based cooperation.”

The Uzbek Embassy, which organized the event, reported that “since the start of this year, visits and high-level events have produced 366 investment agreements totaling $75 billion. Roadmaps have also been approved for 222 projects worth about $45 billion.” It remains to be seen how these agreements will be realized, but the tone of the event was optimistic.

As expected, both the book and the speakers presented democratic reforms—such as electoral changes, administrative modernization, and expanded socio-economic programs including access to credit—as central to the concept of building a “New Uzbekistan,” while also signaling opportunities for long-term investment.