• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10896 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10896 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10896 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10896 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10896 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10896 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10896 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10896 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
09 December 2025

Trilateral Summit in Turkmenistan Focuses on Transport, Energy, and Trade

On August 22, a trilateral summit was held in Turkmenistan’s Avaza National Tourist Zone, bringing together Uzbekistan President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, Chairman of the Halk Maslahaty of Turkmenistan Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, and Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev. The leaders focused on strengthening cooperation in trade, the economy, transport, energy, and humanitarian affairs, while also emphasizing the development of political, cultural, and multilateral ties.

Transport and Transit

Mirziyoyev presented several initiatives aimed at expanding regional transport routes and maximizing the region’s transit potential. He highlighted the strategic importance of integrating existing and new corridors to better connect China with South Asia, the Middle East, and Europe.

Construction of the China-Uzbekistan railway is underway, and a memorandum has been signed with Pakistan and Afghanistan to establish the Trans-Afghan Corridor. According to Mirziyoyev, these projects could significantly enhance infrastructure utilization across Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.

The development of the Middle Corridor and the Zangezur Corridor was also discussed. The leaders agreed to collaborate on increasing the capacity of regional transport hubs, constructing modern logistics infrastructure at the ports of Turkmenbashi and Baku, implementing a unified tariff policy, and digitizing freight systems.

Uzbekistan expressed its willingness to reduce tariffs on a reciprocal basis to facilitate improved access to global markets for regional businesses.

Energy Cooperation

Energy cooperation was another key focus. The participants emphasized the need to expand collaboration in energy exports and to explore new supply routes.

A proposed project to export “green” energy to Europe was described as promising. Additionally, in the hydrocarbon sector, the leaders proposed deeper cooperation in geological exploration and offshore field development in the Caspian Sea.

“Joint efforts in the fields of transport, transit, and logistics will be of great importance not only for our countries but also for the wider region,” said President Aliyev, stressing the strategic nature of trilateral cooperation.

Aliyev also noted that Azerbaijan’s state oil company SOCAR has begun developing an oil field in Uzbekistan, with results expected in the coming years.

Trade and Industry

According to summit participants, mutual trade volume between Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Azerbaijan has doubled in recent years, with industrial goods making up 40% of this trade.

Talks included preparations for a Comprehensive Action Plan aimed at developing trade and logistics chains, establishing wholesale distribution centers, unifying phytosanitary standards, introducing digital product labeling, and launching joint online platforms.

The leaders also underscored the importance of regional engagement and called for increased organization of trade fairs and business forums under the auspices of national chambers of commerce and industry.

Summit Outcomes

The summit concluded with the endorsement of a new trilateral program for cultural and tourism exchanges, aimed at boosting regional tourism and promoting shared cultural heritage.

A joint presidential statement was issued, alongside memoranda of cooperation in the fields of transport and logistics, shipbuilding, and aviation. Additionally, an agreement was signed on cooperation between national commodity and raw material exchanges.

To ensure implementation, President Mirziyoyev proposed the development of a roadmap and the institutionalization of regular ministerial meetings focused on key cooperation areas.

Jordan’s King Abdullah II Departs for Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan

At the invitation of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, King Abdullah II departed earlier today for a state visit to Uzbekistan spanning 25–26 August, with the main events to be held in Samarkand. The King will then continue to Kazakhstan for an official visit on 26–27 August.

In Samarkand, King Abdullah II and President Mirziyoyev are expected to review political dialogue, trade and investment, agriculture and food security, education, tourism, and transport connectivity. Uzbek media report that several cooperation documents are slated for signature, underscoring Samarkand’s growing role as a diplomatic venue for Central Asia.

In Astana, the King will meet President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and attend events designed to expand commercial ties. The authorities in Astana have announced traffic curbs tied to the visit, a signal that a tightly choreographed official program is imminent.

Kazakh media have framed the stop as part of a broader effort to deepen links with Middle Eastern partners at a time when Kazakhstan is diversifying export routes and courting investment from the Levant and Gulf. According to the official website of the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, “high-level negotiations will be held aimed at further strengthening Kazakh-Jordanian cooperation in the trade, economic, cultural and humanitarian spheres.”

The two visits fit into Jordan’s long-running outreach to Central Asia. Diplomatic relations with the region’s states date back to the 1990s, and Amman has increasingly paired political dialogue with practical economic initiatives. For Uzbekistan, officials have been looking to scale up a cordial relationship into more structured cooperation, and the Samarkand setting gives both sides a stage to announce concrete timelines for working groups or ministerial roadmaps. For Kazakhstan, Jordan is positioning itself as a mid-market gateway to the Levant and the Gulf, complementing Astana’s drive to build partnerships that can open new consumer markets, source medical-pharma products, and expand educational and tourism flows.

Beyond Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, Jordan’s engagement with Central Asia has emphasized areas where Amman brings specific comparative advantages. Jordan’s experience in water management and desert agriculture aligns with Central Asian priorities on climate resilience and efficient irrigation; its halal and medical-pharma sectors appeal to governments seeking to diversify imports; and its universities offer English- and Arabic-language programs that can deepen people-to-people links.

Following the visits, observers will look for intergovernmental agreements that move beyond generalities, whether in health and pharmaceuticals, food supply chains, tourism promotion, or student exchanges. Aviation and cargo-handling announcements would be early evidence of a more durable commercial bridge, while references to streamlined customs procedures or mutual recognition in standards could make a material difference for small and mid-sized exporters on both sides.

As Central Asia is recalibrating connectivity amid sanctions frictions and supply-chain shocks, Middle Eastern partners are seeking new sources of food, energy inputs, and investable projects with predictable regulatory environments. The two-country tour could, therefore, touch upon both sides’ requirements, with Jordan’s looking to move its Central Asia policy from exploratory diplomacy to delivery.

Bridges, Not Blocs: Japan’s Central Asia Approach

Japan is one of the countries that has been most active in recent years in terms of deepening political and economic relations with the republics of Central Asia. However, the geopolitical and ideological grounds for Tokyo’s activism have received less attention than those of other countries. In early August 2024, then Prime Minister Fumio Kishida was scheduled to visit the region, but the visit was cancelled at the last minute due to the risk of a major earthquake that could have struck Japan at that time. During his visit, Kishida was also expected to announce the launch of an economic aid package for the Central Asian republics.

As confirmed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Tokyo, Japanese Foreign Minister Takeshi Iwaya is visiting the region over the coming days, landing in Kazakhstan on August 24, before moving on to Uzbekistan until August 28. In the two countries, he will meet with his Kazakh and Uzbek counterparts, Murat Nurtleu and Bakhtiyor Saidov, respectively, with the aim in both cases of strengthening bilateral relations.

Japan’s interest in Central Asia is long-standing: the Central Asia Plus Japan Dialogue format was launched back in 2004, a platform that has been emulated by several countries in the following years. From a political point of view, this is a very smooth relationship, as confirmed to The Times of Central Asia by Timur Dadabaev, Professor of International Relations at the University of Tsukuba.

“Japan’s engagement with Central Asia is driven less by immediate material gain and more by its pursuit of trust-building diplomacy,” Dadabaev told TCA. “It is a relationship rooted in Japan’s desire to be seen as a reliable, non-imperial partner that supports the sovereignty, stability, and regional agency of Central Asian states. Unlike other powers, Japan positions itself as a ‘distant neighbor without hidden agendas,’ which makes its initiatives particularly well-received. Over the years, this has translated into Japan being perceived not as a competing hegemon, but as a partner that invests in the region’s human capital, infrastructure, and governance in ways that reinforce independence rather than dependence.”

The relationship between Japan and the Central Asian republics is based on many concrete elements – cooperation on energy, migrant workers, and connectivity – which, as Tomohiko Uyama, Professor of Modern History and Politics of Central Asia at Slavic-Eurasian Research Center at the Hokkaido University pointed out to TCA, represent the basis for broader diplomatic engagement.

“The relationship between Japan and Central Asia is based on geopolitical factors. For Japan, Central Asia is a region that shares troublesome neighbors, Russia and China,” Uyama said. “Increasing Japan’s presence in this region is important for curbing the excessive expansion of China and Russia’s global influence. However, strengthening diplomatic relations requires fostering economic and human relations. Therefore, in addition to its traditional technical cooperation, Japan is seeking to promote decarbonization, transportation connectivity, and human resource development.”

Professor Dadabaev also stresses that the two dimensions – the one linked more to concrete elements and the one that has more to do with political elements – go hand in hand: “Economic ties such as energy cooperation and labor mobility are important, but they do not exhaust the relationship. What makes Japan’s approach unique is its political symbolism: it recognizes Central Asia as a region with its own voice and aspirations. Japan’s cooperation extends to governance reform, human resource development, and regional connectivity. This signals that the partnership is as much about political trust and identity as it is about trade”.

More than two decades ago, Japan was the first country to launch a formal “C5+1”–style framework that grouped all five Central Asian states together as a single partner. This forum for dialogue continues to form the basis of Tokyo’s commitment to the region, thanks in part to some of its unique characteristics. “Unlike transactional models, Japan’s ‘Central Asia plus Japan’ is dialogue-oriented, not dictate-oriented,” Dadabaev told TCA. “Its features are humility, long-term commitment, and the deliberate avoidance of zero-sum geopolitics. What stands out is that Japan’s approach is not about quick wins but about establishing predictable, rules-based relations with the region. This explains why the format, introduced by Japan, has since been emulated by other major powers, yet continues to carry credibility precisely because Japan does not tie it to coercive conditions or geopolitical pressure.”

Over the years, Japan’s approach, while retaining its distinctive characteristics, has changed in some respects in order to respond to China’s growing influence in Central Asia. The relationship between Tokyo and Beijing is characterized by a dual track: on the economic front, there is growing interdependence, while on the political front, a high degree of mutual distrust continues to persist.

Central Asia is a region where this competition is further represented. Professor Uyama notes that, “Japan’s policy toward non-Western countries emphasizes responding to the needs of each country’s development rather than imposing Japan’s interests and values, with a particular emphasis on grassroots cooperation with local communities. Furthermore, as Japan has stated from the outset of the ‘Central Asia + Japan’ dialogue that it aims to serve as a catalyst for regional integration, it hopes to provide support for cooperation among Central Asian countries. However, in recent years, as China’s influence in development cooperation has grown, Japan has been seeking to strengthen cooperation on global issues, such as environmental problems.”

Ultimately, Tokyo’s Central Asia play is a long-horizon bet on trust and delivery. By coupling diplomacy with concrete work on decarbonization, transport corridors, skills, and governance, Japan is proposing a rules-based partnership that prizes sovereignty and predictability over quick transactional wins. The near-term test is execution: converting dialogue into financed projects, expanding people-to-people programs and lawful labor pathways, and aligning standards so freight, finance, and data move more smoothly. If Japan sustains that approach – and Central Asian capitals keep using the format to cooperate with one another as well as with Tokyo – the relationship should outlast news cycles and great-power swings, giving the region a reliable external partner and Japan a durable role as the ‘distant neighbor’ that shows up.

From Kazakhstan to Arizona: First Student Cohort Marks Nation’s Education Hub Ambitions

On August 23, 2025, 29 students from Kozybayev University in Petropavlovsk arrived at the University of Arizona. Their journey marks the start of a dual-degree program that allows Kazakh students to spend a semester in the U.S. while completing the rest of their studies at home. Graduates will receive two diplomas, one from each institution.

The program, launched under President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s directive, is Kazakhstan’s first large-scale partnership with a U.S. university. Fully funded by the state, it covers tuition, housing, visas, and travel expenses. Courses are offered in biotechnology, information systems, and inclusive education – fields aligned with Kazakhstan’s development priorities.

Part of a Broader Strategy

This initiative is not just about Kozybayev University. It is part of a broader government strategy to internationalize higher education and transform Kazakhstan into an academic hub for Central Asia. In 2022, Tokayev set a goal of opening five foreign university branches by 2025. Since then, partnerships have multiplied: De Montfort University (UK) in Almaty, MEPhI and Gubkin University (Russia) in Almaty and Atyrau, and the University of Arizona in Petropavlovsk. Others are in development, including Heriot-Watt University (Scotland), SeoulTech (South Korea), and Tianjin University (China).

These ventures come with incentives. The government treats foreign universities as “strategic investors,” offering land, tax breaks, and simplified bureaucracy. In return, Kazakhstan gains access to advanced curricula and English-language teaching, while local universities benefit from joint research and faculty exchanges.

Building Domestic Capacity

Kozybayev University has expanded rapidly to accommodate the Arizona program: a new academic laboratory, dormitories, and upgraded infrastructure are in place. The university is also hosting students from 16 countries, including a hundred from Türkiye. This signals a shift – Petropavlovsk, once peripheral in academic terms, is now a point of attraction for international students.

The government’s long-term aim is to convert more domestic universities into research-intensive institutions. By embedding foreign collaborations into the national strategy, Kazakhstan hopes to ensure lasting benefits rather than temporary prestige projects.

Rising Student Mobility

Kazakhstan’s pivot to become an education destination reflects changing regional dynamics. More than 31,000 foreign students now study in Kazakhstan, including over 12,000 from India in medical programs. This is a sharp rise from a few years ago and a reversal of the trend where most Kazakh students went abroad, often to Russia.

The Ministry of Science and Higher Education is actively promoting the country under the “Study in Kazakhstan” campaign, targeting markets like Pakistan, China, and Azerbaijan. For many students, Kazakhstan offers lower costs than the West and the chance to earn dual degrees with reputable foreign institutions.

For many international students, Kazakhstan is becoming an appealing study destination. Tuition fees are comparatively low – ranging from US $1,500 to $5,000 per year – while monthly living costs are in the U.S. $550–$750 range, encompassing accommodation, food, transport, and essentials. These financial benefits, along with government scholarships, English-taught programs, and dual-degree opportunities, make Kazakhstan an increasingly attractive option.

Lessons from Abroad

Kazakhstan’s ambition echoes strategies pursued by the UAE and Singapore. Dubai, for example, has built free zones like Dubai Knowledge Park. Dubai currently has 41 international higher education providers licensed by KHDA, 37 of which are international branch campuses. Its success shows how policy incentives and a favorable location can turn a city into a higher education magnet.

Not every international partnership endures, however. Singapore’s “Global Schoolhouse” initiative brought world-class institutions and raised the city-state’s academic profile, yet a few initiatives, such as UNSW Asia and Yale-NUS College, did not continue long-term. Their experience underscores the importance of careful planning and sustained alignment to ensure programs remain viable.

Kazakhstan appears to be learning from global education hub models by tying new partnerships to local economic needs. For instance, Heriot-Watt University’s engineering programs in Aktobe are tailored to regional industry, while a planned Gazi University branch in Shymkent reflects the city’s growing tech base.

A Turning Point for Kazakhstan

Kazakhstan’s higher education reforms build on a long tradition of investing in global knowledge. Since 1993, the Bolashak scholarship program has sent over 12,000 Kazakhs abroad for study, many of whom now contribute to academia and government. The current wave of partnerships represents a shift: bringing world-class education into Kazakhstan, rather than sending students out.

For students like those departing Kozybayev University, the benefits are immediate – global exposure, international diplomas, and stronger career prospects. For policymakers, the challenge is to ensure these initiatives integrate into the wider system, boost research capacity, and position Kazakhstan as an attractive destination not only for Central Asia but also for students and scholars from a broader international community.

If successful, Kazakhstan could join the UAE and Singapore as a recognized education hub – a crossroads for students from Central Asia, South Asia, and beyond. The departure of Kozybayev’s Arizona-bound cohort is more than a symbolic milestone; it is a test case for the country’s vision of becoming a regional center for science, education, and innovation.

Insider’s View: From Reform to Rights – Strengthening Uzbekistan’s Legal Foundations

New Uzbekistan is pressing ahead with democratic reforms while pursuing a pragmatic foreign policy, deepening dialogue with the international community, and rolling out reforms that reinforce guarantees for human rights and fundamental freedoms. Within the framework of the Uzbekistan–2030 Strategy – now paired with the State Program, “Year of Environmental Protection and the Green Economy” – the authorities are upgrading legal safeguards and institutional mechanisms aimed at protecting citizens’ rights.

As President Shavkat Mirziyoyev stated, “The dreams and aspirations of our people, shaped over centuries through diverse ideas and practical endeavors, are today embodied in the concept of New Uzbekistan.” That vision has coincided with rapid socioeconomic change: GDP has topped $110 billion; preschool enrollment has risen sharply since 2017; higher-education participation has climbed from about 9% in 2017 to roughly 42%; and elite public schools – creative, specialized, and presidential – have taken root. Uzbek athletes placed among the top national teams at recent global competitions, and football milestones at both the youth and senior levels have broadened the country’s international profile. Together, these gains bolster Uzbekistan’s status as a sovereign, democratic, legal, social, and secular state, and as a more reliable partner on the global stage.

The Pragmatic Diplomacy of New Uzbekistan

Against a backdrop of armed conflicts, environmental emergencies, trade frictions, and evolving security threats, Uzbekistan has worked to strengthen peace and regional stability while educating its youth in the spirit of both national and universal values. In recent years, high-level outreach has rebuilt trust with neighbors and helped popularize concepts such as a “Central Asian spirit” and “Central Asian identity.” The March unveiling of a Friendship Stele at the junction of the Uzbekistan–Kyrgyzstan–Tajikistan borders symbolized this thaw, while cooperation on transit, water and energy exchanges, and security has become more predictable.

A “New Central Asia” is taking shape as a unified transport and logistics space. Mutual trade volumes in the region have multiplied, investment flows have increased, and cross-border ventures have expanded. Major projects—from the China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan railway to rising cargo across the Uzbekistan–Turkmenistan–Iran–Türkiye corridor—are laying the ground for a trans-continental transit hub. At the same time, Uzbekistan’s convening role has grown. In April 2025, Samarkand hosted the first EU–Central Asia Summit, chaired by President Mirziyoyev and attended by EU leaders and all five Central Asian presidents – an event that elevated ties to a strategic partnership and set a broader agenda on connectivity, critical raw materials, energy, and digital links.

Environmental diplomacy has also moved up the agenda. The Samarkand Climate Forum gathered UN deputy secretary generals, heads of major environmental organizations, and experts from dozens of countries, signaling a step-change in the region’s engagement on ecology, desertification, and resilience.

The Parliamentary Dimension of New Uzbekistan

Tashkent’s rising parliamentary diplomacy culminated in the 150th Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) Assembly, held between 5–9 April 2025 – the first of its kind in Central Asia – which brought together some 2,000 parliamentarians from more than 140 countries, plus over 20 international organizations. The proceedings, themed “Parliamentary Action for Social Development and Justice,” concluded with the Tashkent Declaration, later circulated as an official UN General Assembly document. The declaration sketches a framework for parliamentary action across peacebuilding, sustainable development, social justice, human rights, gender equality, youth policy, and inclusive education.

Domestically, the parliamentary architecture has been modernized. Under the new edition of the Constitution adopted via referendum on April 30, 2023, the legislature’s exclusive powers expanded significantly, including new roles in forming judicial and competition bodies and in overseeing law enforcement. Inter-parliamentary ties have widened to nearly 100 partner legislatures; friendship groups and joint commissions are active. Recent elections under a mixed system strengthened party roles and increased women’s representation; women now account for a markedly higher share of MPs than a decade ago, a trend recognized by international parliamentary observers.

Institutional change has filtered down to local government. More than 30 competencies have shifted to regional and municipal councils (Kengashes), which now set floors for rent on public assets, approve burial site maintenance rules and tariffs, reserve jobs for vulnerable groups, and even adjust speed limits on designated roads. A new “Kengash Hour” compels governors to report publicly, while portions of fees and fines are reallocated to local budgets. Youth councils and civil-society advisory bodies are being replicated at a local level, and candidates for deputy-governor posts are now vetted in committee hearings with their development programs on record. This spring’s nationwide election of 8,852 mahalla chairs – with longer terms, more women leaders, and a younger cohort – rounded out reforms to representative institutions.

New Uzbekistan as a Social State

The revised Constitution enshrines Uzbekistan as a social state with clear obligations to ensure employment, protect citizens’ jobs, cut poverty, and scale up vocational training. The 2030 Strategy targets a halving of poverty from 2022 levels by mid-decade and sustained income gains for at-risk households by 2030, while training 500,000 qualified specialists through public–private partnerships. Authorities report that more than seven million people have exited poverty over the past eight years, with the nationwide rate falling from the mid-30s percentile to single digits; the aim is to reduce it further this year to 6%.

To support this, the government launched “From Poverty to Prosperity,” created a National Agency for Social Protection, and built out Inson (“Human”) service centers. Social coverage now reaches multiples of the 2017 baseline, with targeted registers used to identify and assist vulnerable groups. International cooperation is core: Uzbekistan has joined the Global Alliance Against Hunger and Poverty, rolled out pilot models based on global experience, and encouraged banks to co-design job-creation tools with mahallas. A new emphasis on vocational education – free online courses, retraining via professional vouchers, tighter employer partnerships – aims to raise employability and productivity.

International Initiatives and the UN Track

Openness to global practice has underpinned reforms in public administration, digital transformation, and service delivery, consistent with the principle of the “state for the people.” In March 2025, the UN Secretary-General launched the “UN-80” reform initiative to streamline mandates and modernize the organization’s work; Uzbekistan has voiced support and stepped up programmatic cooperation with UN agencies. The country has implemented or launched 160 joint projects with the UN, welcomed senior agency heads to Tashkent, and opened an expanded UN Women’s office.

Uzbekistan’s footprint in UN organs has also broadened, from a recent stint on the Human Rights Council to seats on ECOSOC, the ILO Governing Body, and, from 2028–2029, the FAO Council. A new cooperation framework with the UN focused on Sustainable Development Goals is in preparation; Samarkand will host major UNESCO proceedings, underscoring the city’s growing convening power.

Uzbekistan’s multilateral activism also reflects the constraints of geography. As one of only two “double landlocked” states globally, Uzbekistan has argued for global transit guarantees for landlocked developing countries, citing World Bank estimates of GDP losses tied to high logistics costs and transit uncertainty. The region’s strategy is to turn this vulnerability into a strength with new corridors, power and water linkages, and harmonized customs, an approach now embedded in EU–Central Asia and broader Eurasian dialogues.

Building the Legal Foundations for Human Rights

At the core of this era of reform is the National Human Rights Strategy adopted in 2020 – the country’s first. It has driven changes to child and family protection, women’s rights, disability inclusion, and torture prevention, and codified the end of forced and child labor. Over four years, lawmakers have passed multiple codes and dozens of laws, alongside presidential and cabinet acts, directly tied to human rights guarantees. In 2025 alone, new statutes strengthened penalties for human trafficking, enhanced support systems for families and women, reinforced safeguards against the torture of detainees, and approved a concept for state policy in the religious sphere. Uzbekistan has ratified 25 ILO conventions and, in 2021, the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.

Citizenship policy has been liberalized in line with UN guidance on reducing statelessness: while only a few hundred people obtained nationality between 1991 and 2016, more than 80,000 have acquired Uzbek citizenship since 2017, reflecting a more inclusive stance toward long-resident populations. Engagement with UN special procedures has intensified; seven national action plans have translated UN recommendations into domestic workstreams, covering women, peace, and security (UNSCR 1325), anti-discrimination, economic and social rights, disability rights, the High Commissioner’s recommendations, counter-terrorism standards, and child rights. A roadmap to implementing recommendations from the UN Special Rapporteur on adequate housing followed his visit to the country.

Human rights education has expanded, and a national curriculum integrates rights courses at all levels. The National Human Rights Centre (NHRC) has trained thousands of justice-sector professionals across all regions, and signed cooperation agreements with sectoral academies to build teaching and research capacity in rights-related fields.

In 2025, drafting began on a National Human Rights Strategy to 2030, aligned with environmental goals under the state program. The process – managed by a working group spanning the NHRC, the Prosecutor General’s Office, Ministries of Justice and Interior, Supreme Court, national ombuds institutions, and the Social Protection Agency – has been open. More than 150 proposals from over 50 state and non-state organizations informed early drafts; revisions incorporated expert feedback from 30 institutions, and public consultation on the normative-acts portal drew hundreds of comments. National roundtables and international consultations – including inputs from the OHCHR, OSCE, and the UN Country Team – refined the text, which was also presented at major legal and human-rights forums.

The draft sets six priorities: protection of civil and political rights; protection of economic, social, cultural, and environmental rights; focused support for vulnerable groups; development of national human-rights and civil-society institutions; broader human-rights education and awareness; and intensified international cooperation. Implementing these goals is meant to strengthen constitutional guarantees, improve the execution of international recommendations, and consolidate the legal foundations for rights across the spectrum.

A Rights-First Reform Trajectory

The reform sequence – constitutional overhaul, strengthening of parliament, empowering local governance, social-state commitments, and human-rights codification – has created a more coherent legal scaffold for protecting rights. It is anchored by Uzbekistan–2030 targets, underpinned by the 2023 Constitution, validated by high-profile parliamentary diplomacy at the 150th IPU Assembly, broadened through the National Human Rights Strategy, and amplified by region-shaping diplomacy at the EU–Central Asia Summit. The next phase will be judged by its execution: turning legal texts and programmatic frameworks into everyday guarantees for citizens, measured transparently and refined through sustained public input.

 

The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the publication, its affiliates, or any other organizations mentioned.

Kyrgyz State Mining Company Kyrgyzaltyn Doubles Authorized Capital Through Dividend Recapitalization

The Kyrgyz state mining company Kyrgyzaltyn, which holds most of the country’s mineral deposits, has doubled its authorized capital by converting owed dividends into equity.

According to local media reports citing the Kyrgyz Stock Exchange, Kyrgyzaltyn increased its authorized capital by 5.2 billion soms ($59.6 million) through dividends that were due to the State Agency for State Property Management and the Ministry of Finance.

As a result, the company’s authorized capital now stands at 9.5 billion soms ($109 million). The company has issued 52,000 shares with a nominal value of 100 soms ($1.2) each, to be allocated among employees of the Ministry of Finance and the State Property Fund.

“The shares will be issued in book-entry form and will be paid for from dividends payable on the state-owned stake, as well as the balance from previous issues,” Kyrgyzaltyn said in a statement.

The deadline for placing the shares is December 31, 2025.

This marks Kyrgyzaltyn’s second capital increase this year. In April 2025, the company issued 768,000 ordinary shares, raising its authorized capital by 77 million soms ($883,000) through a full primary market placement.

Kyrgyzaltyn also reported record-breaking profits in the first half of 2025. The company posted a net profit of 17 billion soms ($195 million), five times higher than during the same period last year.

“Today, the Kyrgyz Cabinet is the main investor in state-owned companies. The state is constantly recapitalizing these firms to increase their market value and efficiency,” said Medet Nazaraliev, former director of the Kyrgyz Stock Exchange, in an interview with The Times of Central Asia.

According to Nazaraliev, recapitalization enhances operational efficiency, facilitates the adoption of new technologies, and supports the launch of new business processes. “The company’s share capital increases, and the state’s investment sends a positive signal to other investors,” he said.

“Investors observe improving financial stability and growing capital bases. This, combined with visible state support, makes the company an attractive investment,” Nazaraliev added.

He noted that recapitalization could signal the company’s intent to expand or initiate major new projects.

Earlier this year, Kyrgyzaltyn launched pilot production of titanomagnetite near Balykchy in the Issyk-Kul region. The deposit holds an estimated 20 million tons of reserves, with experts valuing the total mineral content at approximately $1 billion.