Media - The Times Of Central Asia

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Media CAMCA Digitization

Digitizing Central Asia: Interview with Ainura Umaeva, Thought Leader in Communications and Media

This week The Times of Central Asia will be attending the CAMCA Regional Forum, which this year is being held in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. The CAMCA network is a collection of professionals and policymakers dedicated to developing Eurasia by sharing ideas, knowledge and inspiration; its name stands for Central Asia, Mongolia, the Caucasus and Afghanistan. Ahead of the Forum, The Times of Central Asia spoke with Ainura Umaeva, the Owner and CEO of TIDAM Communications Agency in Almaty -- and a leader in strategic communications and advisory -- about what the CAMCA program means for the Eurasian communications and digital industries, and what the future might hold for women doing business in Central Asia. TCA: What condition do you feel the digital and information spaces are currently in – in Kazakhstan, and elsewhere in the Eurasia region? AU: Kazakhstan has made remarkable progress in digitalizing public services and fintech. For many of us, it’s now second nature to access government or commercial services instantly through a smartphone. This level of convenience has become so embedded in our daily lives that we often take it for granted. However, when we look deeper, we notice a different reality. Despite this visible digital infrastructure, there’s a significant lack of digital literacy — especially in the private sector. Many businesses are still not leveraging the full potential of digital technologies, including AI, data analytics, or automation. While we appear digitally advanced on the surface, in practice the digital transformation often remains quite superficial. The real challenge now is to deepen that transformation — to build not only user-facing digital tools but also internal digital capacity and data culture. In what areas do you think CAMCA initiatives can help them improve? One of the greatest strengths of CAMCA is its ability to bridge regional fragmentation. Although the CAMCA region is often perceived by the outside world as a cohesive bloc, internally we remain deeply segmented — informationally, economically, and culturally. Many countries in the region lack awareness of one another’s realities, opportunities, and success stories. Several years ago, I worked with a client on a cross-regional study, and it became clear to me how little we actually know about our neighbors. This informational disconnect leads to missed opportunities for collaboration and shared growth. Initiatives like the CAMCA Forum are essential because they foster not just dialogue, but a sense of common regional identity. Paradoxically, it often takes an external initiative to help us better recognize how much we share. Being born and raised in Kazakhstan, with roots in the Caucasus, I constantly reflect on the contrast between the two regions. Despite its political and linguistic diversity, the Caucasus is often perceived — and perceives itself — as more cohesive than Central Asia. In our region, we are still discovering our collective identity. You’re speaking in a session dedicated to women’s networks. How will women’s authority in Eurasian business look in 10 years compared to now? In our work with the She Business Women Community — a...

Media Social Media Positive image governmental campaign

Turkmen Authorities Order Social Media Campaign to Showcase “Positive Image”

Authorities in Turkmenistan have launched a new initiative aimed at promoting a positive image of the country on social media platforms abroad. The campaign, ordered by the presidential administration in late May, is designed to counter what officials call “foreign centers of ideological subversion”, a term reminiscent of Soviet-era rhetoric used to describe independent media and opposition groups. Scripted Positivity: Who Films What Under the directive, regional administrations have been tasked with producing video content that highlights the country’s “achievements.” Cultural and arts workers are now expected to travel to rural areas to film staged interviews with farmers, gardeners, cotton growers, and artisans. These interviews must portray high living standards, rising incomes, modern amenities, and open support for the country's leadership. Visual presentation is tightly controlled: if a villager’s home is deemed sufficiently presentable, new construction, clean yard, the interview may be conducted there. Otherwise, filming must take place in fields or gardens to ensure an appealing backdrop. Begenchmyrat Orazov, khyakim (local governor) of the Mary region, emphasized that all content must be shot on ordinary mobile phones and without the involvement of professional teams or extra payment. “You get paid,” he reportedly reminded cultural workers during a May 28 meeting with local officials, law enforcement, and agricultural representatives. Millionaires on Paper Participants are instructed to describe their “decent earnings” using the outdated currency system, speaking in millions of old manats, despite the redenomination in 2009 (1 new manat = 5,000 old manats). This approach is intended to suggest inflated incomes to an international audience less familiar with the country's currency history. Cultural workers are encouraged to enhance the content by incorporating traditional songs, musical performances, or recitations of poetry by former president Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov or the revered Turkmen poet Makhtumkuli. A Question of Translation Similar meetings have been held across all regions, and filming is reportedly underway. Villagers are required to submit documentation of completed work to the leadership of their agricultural associations, which must then report daily to district heads (etraps). However, a critical gap remains unresolved: how the video content will reach international viewers. The issue of translation into foreign languages has yet to be addressed. Posting videos exclusively in Turkmen is unlikely to appeal to a global audience. Additionally, many Turkmen migrants, one of the campaign’s implicit targets, are well aware of the country’s internal challenges. Old Tools for a New Image This initiative appears to be a response to increasing criticism from independent Turkmen media and social media platforms, which frequently report on the country’s socio-economic problems and human rights violations. These platforms, widely followed in the diaspora, have become a growing concern for the authorities in Ashgabat. Rather than engaging with the criticism through reform or transparency, the government is opting for a top-down media campaign reminiscent of earlier propaganda models. The focus seems less on improving conditions and more on reshaping perceptions. Whether this strategy will resonate beyond the bureaucratic machinery of the state remains to be seen.

Media Science Scientific Journal Advances in Nuclear Science and Applications

Kazakhstan’s Institute of Nuclear Physics Launches Advances in Nuclear Science and Applications Journal

Kazakhstan’s Institute of Nuclear Physics has officially launched a new international scientific journal, Advances in Nuclear Science and Applications. The presentation of the first issue took place at the Institute’s headquarters and marks a significant step in the country's efforts to promote nuclear research and academic exchange on a global scale. According to the Ministry of Science and Higher Education, the journal is designed as a high-level international platform that integrates both fundamental and applied research in nuclear science and technology. It aims to foster open knowledge exchange and collaboration across borders. The inaugural issue, published in March 2025, features six peer-reviewed articles covering current topics in nuclear science. The journal will be published quarterly in English, in March, June, September, and December, and will follow international academic publishing standards. All submitted articles undergo a rigorous double-blind peer review process, and the journal is fully open access via its official website. The publication is also seeking inclusion in major global scientific databases such as Scopus and Web of Science. The editorial board consists of more than ten recognized experts from eight countries: Russia, Italy, Japan, the United States, Turkey, Poland, Romania, and Kazakhstan, reflecting the journal’s international scope and ambitions. Sayabek Sakhiev, Director General of the Institute of Nuclear Physics, emphasized the significance of the launch: “We have been working towards creating the journal for more than a year. This is the result of serious and purposeful work. Today we have big plans and high expectations. We strictly follow international standards and are confident that Advances in Nuclear Science and Applications will take its rightful place in world science.” The journal’s Editor-in-Chief, Prof. Mikhail Itkis, has also extended an invitation to early-career scientists, encouraging young researchers to submit their work for publication in upcoming issues.

Media

Kyrgyz Authorities Arrest Critic of Kyrgyzstan-Tajikistan Border Agreement

Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan earned international praise last month when they signed a border agreement ending years of tension that had sometimes spilled into deadly violence. A recent arrest in Kyrgyzstan suggests that authorities are sensitive to any criticism of a deal that was widely hailed as a big step for closer ties among Central Asian countries. Kanyshai Mamyrkulova, who has been described by Kyrgyz media sources as a journalist and an activist, was arrested on March 20, a week after President Sadyr Japarov of Kyrgyzstan and Emomali Rahmon, Tajikistan’s leader, signed the peace agreement following painstaking negotiations over the delineation of the nearly 1,000-kilometer border between the two countries. This week, a court upheld an earlier ruling that Mamyrkulova be held in pre-trial detention until May 19, in one of the latest cases in Kyrgyzstan that pits advocates of free speech against a government that increasingly views unfettered opinions and alleged disinformation as a threat to national stability. While critics warn that Kyrgyzstan is clamping down on free expression, the environment there is relatively looser than in Tajikistan, where the state exercises tighter controls over the media. Mamyrkulova appears to have fallen foul of the authorities for critical posts on social media rather than any journalistic reports. She spread “false information regarding the Kyrgyzstan–Tajikistan border issue” on Facebook, the Bishkek city police department said last month. “The individual made calls aimed at destabilizing the socio-political situation in the Kyrgyz Republic by inciting mass disorder and promoting interethnic hatred between citizens of Kyrgyzstan and neighboring countries,” the department said. It added that Mamyrkulova had “previously been held accountable for similar actions — spreading misinformation and escalating tensions during past incidents involving border issues between the Kyrgyz and Uzbek republics.” A review of some of Mamyrkulova’s Facebook posts reveals a stream of comments and barbs about alleged corruption, official wrongdoing, and prosecutions, often delivered with cheeky humor. Some are indirect or use metaphors to make a point. Several that refer to the border agreement suggest the Kyrgyz government was not transparent enough with its citizens and imply that Tajikistan got the better of the deal. In a letter released last week, Mamyrkulova said she hadn’t done anything wrong. “I did not kill anyone, did not steal from the state, and did not take bribes. I’ve only posted about legal, political, economic, and social issues affecting the public. Regarding the criminal charges brought against me under Article 278 (part 3) and Article 330 (part 1) of the Criminal Code of the Kyrgyz Republic — I have never committed, nor will I ever commit such crimes,” she said in the statement, which was posted on the Facebook account of supporter Amanbol Babakulov. “They spun a criminal case from thin air simply because I wrote what the public was thinking, in a way that struck a nerve. I know this well myself — as do the lawyers, the attorneys, and those who work closely with the justice system,” she said. The Media Action Platform of...

Media USAID NGOs investigation Funding

Kazakhstan Investigates Recipients of USAID Funding

Following the cancellation of USAID funding, the Kazakhstani government and parliament are scrutinizing the recipients of U.S. financial assistance. The issue has sparked significant public debate and online discussions. Deputies Demand Explanations On March 10, the U.S. administration announced the cancellation of 83% of USAID programs. Secretary of State Marco Rubio stated: “After a six-week review, we are officially canceling 83% of USAID programs. The 5,200 contracts now canceled spent tens of billions of dollars in ways that did not serve (and in some cases even harmed) the core national interests of the United States.” Earlier, on March 5, deputies from the People's Party of Kazakhstan (PPK) formally requested that the Minister of National Economy and the Minister of Justice conduct an audit of foreign funding for non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Lawmakers called for transparency regarding project financing, allocated amounts, and fund usage. According to the deputies, some USAID-funded programs contradicted traditional Kazakhstani values, particularly those related to LGBT rights and feminist movements. Reports indicate that members of the parliamentary majority faction, Amanat, also supported the request. Government Investigation Underway The government's position remained unclear until March 12, when Respublika newspaper reported that Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Economy Serik Jumangarin had responded to the Mazhilis on behalf of the Cabinet of Ministers. Respublika is associated with Mukhtar Ablyazov, a fugitive oligarch sentenced in absentia to a lengthy prison term in Kazakhstan. According to the report, 28 long-term USAID programs were active in Kazakhstan under bilateral agreements in 2024. In total, USAID allocated $26.5 million for projects implemented in the country between 2023 and 2024. These initiatives covered sectors such as the economy, energy, healthcare, civil society, and media. Some projects extended beyond Kazakhstan, impacting other Central Asian nations. Among the NGOs operating under USAID programs in 2024-2025 were: Public Foundation "Desenta" NGO "Kadyr-Kasiyet" Representative Office of Eurasia Foundation in Kazakhstan Representative Office of Winrock International Representative Office of Internews Network Representative Office of the American Bar Association Additionally, several government agencies collaborated with USAID. Jumangarin noted that, under Kazakhstani law, recipients of foreign funding must publish annual reports on how the funds are used. He assured deputies that the verification of USAID-funded projects would continue under a working group established by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, led by Murat Nurtleu. Funding Details Emerge Further details surfaced on March 14, with reports indicating that USAID had canceled contracts in Central Asia, including Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. Two contracts in Kazakhstan were reportedly worth $2.35 million and $3.35 million. These funds were designated for the projects “Strengthening Civic Participation in Kazakhstan” and “Strengthening Human Rights and Equality.” The latter aimed to support LGBT organizations in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan in advocating for human rights. This information was cited from an official USAID document. Additional media reports revealed a list of USAID grantees in 2024, including: ArtKoshe PF The YouTube channel "Hyperborey" Oksana Gabitova (Akulova) Vlast Media Group LLP DEPPA podcast Täuelhsız project Tasadagy Omir project Aftertutor IP, an online magazine focused on...

Media Obituary

Obituary – Young Uzbek Reporter Loved Journalism, but Grew Frustrated: “There’s No Point Anymore.”

Alisher Ruziokhunov, an Uzbek journalist who had worked for Kun.uz and other online news organizations in Uzbekistan, has died of an illness in his early 30s, according to several outlets that used to employ him. In a tribute, a former colleague said Ruziokhunov drifted away from journalism in recent years because he found it difficult to report freely despite government commitments to loosen restrictions on the media. Kun.uz described Ruziokhunov as a talented journalist who wrote hundreds of articles about “the development of the state and society” and started big projects such as the Munozara Club, which “brought together representatives of government institutions for discussions.” Ruziokhunov traveled widely, attending events as a journalist and conference participant. He visited Armenia, Ukraine and Kenya, as well as the U.S.-Mexico border and the Moody College of Communication at The University of Texas at Austin. “Why does journalism mean a lot to me? I believe media and true journalism make our world a better place to live in,” Ruziokhunov said on social media. “Don’t be afraid to stand out among everyone with your thoughts, appearance, or goals,” he said in another post. Despite his talent, passion and growing experience, Ruziokhunov had doubts. Ilyos Safarov, an Uzbek journalist who reported Ruziokhunov’s death in an emotional social media post on Wednesday, said in a later message that his close friend had dropped out of Uzbekistan’s media scene in recent years because he was disillusioned. Safarov said Ruziokhunov preferred to go into education, believing that Uzbek journalism had reached “the limit” because a journalist who published critical commentary could easily face retaliation from people in power. “There’s no point anymore,” Safarov remembered his friend saying. “I often argued against him, challenging his views,” Safarov said. “At times, just to push his buttons, I even accused him of cowardice. But deep down, I knew he was right. And the truth is, today, we really are powerless. Forget about defending others—journalists can’t even protect themselves.” “By now, everyone has realized that the brief period of relative freedom over the past 3-4 years was merely a façade, designed to allow people to criticize the past era more openly,” said Safarov, who works for Vatandosh TV. By past era, he appeared to be referring to the more authoritarian era of Uzbek leader Islam Karimov, who died in 2016. Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, who took over after Karimov’s death, has periodically spoken in support of freedom of speech, though some journalists and bloggers say they have faced prosecution and intimidation because of their work. The law in Uzbekistan says the spread of false information that leads to the denigration of “a person´s dignity” or threatens “public order or security” can lead to prison sentences; advocates of freedom of expression say such regulations are overly broad and are used to muzzle criticism of the government.