IMF: Uzbekistan’s Foreign Debt to Decrease by 10% in 2029

A Eurasian Perspective on the Historic Conviction of U.S. Senator Bob Menendez

On July 16, a federal court in New York found United States Senator Robert "Bob" Menendez (D) guilty on 16 counts in a corruption trial, including charges of accepting bribes to benefit the governments of Egypt and Qatar, obstruction of justice and extortion. He is the first U.S. senator to be convicted as a foreign agent and the charges collectively carry a potential sentence of 222 years in prison. Bribery charges involved receiving gold bars worth over $100,000 and more than $480,000 in cash as well as a Mercedes-Benz for his wife. “This wasn't politics as usual. This was politics for profit,” summarized Damian Williams, an attorney for the Southern District of New York. According to federal prosecutors, among other things, Menendez helped secure millions of dollars of U.S. aid for Egypt and used his office to assist a multi-million-dollar deal with a Qatari fund. Egypt’s intelligence and military officials are said to have bribed him and his wife at a time when U.S. military aid to the country would have paused due to human rights concerns. Menendez also used his official position “to protect and enrich” individuals in exchange for payments, including helping a New Jersey businessman secure a halal certification monopoly with regards to U.S. meat exports to Egypt. Striking similarities to another recent “influence-for-sale” scandal For many Europeans, this U.S. case resembles the European Union’s own Qatargate scandal, which broke out in 2022 and unveiled how foreign governments (Qatar, Morocco and Mauritania) have been channeling hundreds of thousands of euros to a ring of elected European Parliament officials who, in turn, were leveraging their authority to benefit these clients. The services included “attempts to manipulate the Parliament” and “scheming to kill off six parliamentary resolutions condemning Qatar’s human rights record” as Politico reports. In his plea deal, Antonio Panzeri, the chief of the European Parliament's Subcommittee on Human Rights (DROI), admitted to receiving bribes as well as to leading and participating in a criminal organization. This criminal organization reportedly doled out bribes to EU officials through two NGOs named Fight Impunity and No Peace Without Justice, which were allegedly set up to launder money and help fund the scheme. In Menendez’s case, the money ran through his wife’s consultancy. Qatargate allegations extended beyond the Middle East and North Africa. For instance, Atlantico.fr reported that Panzeri and his associates may have been corrupted by at least two Kazakh criminal figures. Europeans appeared lenient on corruption as Panzeri only received a five-year prison sentence, of which four would be suspended and the one year he’d serve would be under house arrest with an electronic bracelet. Momentum behind investigations of key suspects has since waned, leading the EU Observer to call Qatargate “a missed opportunity to bring Europe to justice”. Foreign policy priorities pushed by Senator Menendez need to be re-examined When public officials are found to have used their office to promote external interests, their past policy activities should be closely examined. Bob Menendez has been a member of U.S. Congress since 1993 and chaired the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations from 2013 to 2015, and again from 2021 to 2023. As the chairman, he held significant influence over shaping U.S. foreign policy by overseeing legislation, treaties, and diplomatic issues. The position allowed him to set the agenda for policy discussions, influence strategies, and advocate for specific approaches to international affairs, all of which had an impact on global alliances and challenges. In Menendez’s defense, most of his calls for support and condemnation with regards to foreign governments appear to be evidence based and endorsed by other U.S. law makers. However, given recent revelations in his court case, it is fair for the public to question whether his actions were scoped, scripted, sourced, timed, or targeted in a fashion to serve a particular paying client.  Sarah Leah Whitson, Executive Director of the American non-profit organization Democracy for the Arab World Now, believes that Senator Menendez's conviction is an “important step in accountability” but adds that the U.S. government “must do much more to investigate, root out and punish these naked acts of corruption and undue influence by Middle East dictatorships that are rotting our democratic institutions”. Menendez was indeed consistently critical of Middle Eastern regimes associated with authoritarian rule such as Iran and Saudi Arabia. On the other hand, he remained favorable towards Qatar, which is not surprising given that the federal charges against him included receiving bribes from Qatar and activating the office of the U.S. President to arrange a meeting with a member of Qatar’s royal family. Judicial Watch has reported that Qatargate’s “metastasizing corruption scandal” reached the U.S., involving politicians and political operatives, mentioning Menendez as being caught in the “Qatargate crosshairs”. Menendez was also an outspoken champion of Armenia and sided against its adversaries, namely Azerbaijan and Turkey. On September 21, 2023, he led bipartisan legislation banning most assistance to the government of Azerbaijan while authorizing foreign military financing for Armenia. He also led campaigns for the U.S. to recognize the WWI-era massacre of Armenians in present day Turkey as “genocide”. Addressing the Senate floor on November 13, 2023 about the humanitarian crisis in Armenia, he warned against the influence of “malign actors” of Turkey, China, Russia, and Iran. Following news of his conviction, on 18 July, Turkey’s Hurriyet news outlet trumpeted the headline “Anti-Türkiye Senator may receive life sentence: Menendez burned.” His wife since 2020, Nadine Menendez, was born in Lebanon to Armenian parents and has been an advocate for Armenia. Why the Menendez case is relevant for Central Asia Central Asian news outlets have shown limited interest in the U.S. Senator’s conviction and his activities in the region. Many of his criticisms of, and condemnations for, Central Asian states were consistent with those raised by other U.S. government offices. On the other hand, as it has become evident that Menendez commercialized his office, the details behind his political activities including his meetings and correspondence with those representing foreign interests as well as any funds received (campaign finance or other) should be under further scrutiny. We have compiled the below brief chronology of some of his key political actions impacting Central Asian states:

• On July 29, 2019, Menendez co-led a letter to the President of Kazakhstan asking for the release of a prisoner accused of being involved in a multi-billion-dollar bank fraud, which was orchestrated by a notorious fraudster and opposition figure named Mukhtar Ablyazov. Ablyazov faces three concurrent 22-month sentences in the U.K. (2018) and has other judgements against him in the U.K. and U.S. exceeding $5 billion overall (2015, 2022, 2023 and 2024). The senators’ letter also gave credence to claims put forth by a murky Europe-based NGO that has lobbied for at least one other money launderer in addition to Ablyazov, and has links to Russia’s defense industry through the family of its founder and president.
• On May 7, 2020 and June 29, 2020, the presidents of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan each received a letter from Menendez and other U.S. senators asking for the “release” of “detainees imprisoned for peaceful activism who are also at high risk of contracting COVID-19”. Each letter named one to three detainees and expressed reasons why they should be released.
• On December 6, 2021, Menendez and five other senators urged the U.S. Secretary of State to “ensure human rights are at the center of the United States’ developing partnership with Uzbekistan during the upcoming Strategic Partnership Dialogue”. The senators wrote that despite much-lauded reforms, Uzbekistan remained among the world’s most repressive countries and was at risk of reversing recent gains.
• On October 7, 2022, Menendez and three other senators pressed U.S. Secretary of State to establish an international investigation mechanism, under the auspices of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) or the OSCE, to probe Kazakhstani security forces’ actions during the January 2022 violent protests which left over 200 people dead. Two weeks later, on October 25, 2022, UNHRC issued an opinion based on a single source, focusing on the detention of Karim Massimov, the former head of Kazakhstani intelligence, who was arrested for his alleged role in plotting the violent unrest that transformed into a coup attempt. UNHRC asked to “take urgent action to ensure the immediate unconditional release of Mr. Massimov”. In 2023, Massimov was sentenced to 18 years in Kazakhstan for high treason, attempting a coup and misuse of power. There are reports on his alleged links to grand scale bribery and embezzlement. In the letter, Menendez and other senators also asked for a review of U.S. security assistance to Kazakhstan.
• On November 22, 2022, Menendez and another senator sent a letter to the President of Tajikistan, Emomali Rahmon, expressing “concerns over an escalation of violent harassment of journalists and the government’s failure to protect freedoms of speech and press” and mentioning appreciation for the accreditation for Radio Ozodi journalists, an affiliate of Radio Liberty.
• On August 8, 2023, Menendez sent a letter to Kyrgyzstan’s President Sadyr Japarov asking him to investigate allegations of assisting Russia or its proxies in evading international sanctions imposed in response to Russia’s unlawful invasion of Ukraine. He criticized the country for “democratic backsliding and widespread human rights violations” and urged the president to “lift all restrictions on independent media and journalists, release imprisoned human rights defenders, and repeal measures restricting fundamental freedoms such as the freedom of association.” Japarov denied the accusations.

Stay or Go? Uzbek Students Ponder Studies at Home, Abroad

Like many Uzbek students, Nigina Poziljonova left Uzbekistan to study at a university abroad. She doesn’t regret her decision. “Unlike the teachers I personally saw in Uzbekistan, professors are happy when students say, ‘I don’t understand, please explain again,’” said Poziljonova, who is studying for a bachelor’s degree in business economics with data science at the University of Cassino in Italy. “If necessary, they are willing to spend two hours after class for that student. If I fail one exam, I can take it 5 times a year for 3 years for free,” said the Uzbek student, who nevertheless describes her Italian experience as “more challenging than I anticipated.” --- The perceived shortcomings of higher education have long been a preoccupation in Uzbekistan, which has a large population of young people and is the most populous country – with about 35 million citizens – in Central Asia. Authorities are trying to fix the problem. Last month, Minister of Higher Education Kongratbay Sharipov said 20 underperforming universities will be closed because only 5-10% of their graduates are employed. Uzbekistan has more than 200 universities - 114 are state-run, 65 are private and 30 are foreign university branches, according to 2023 data. Uzbekistan had the fifth largest number of “tertiary” students (students who have completed secondary school) studying abroad – 109,945 – among countries around the world that were surveyed, according to UNESCO data in 2021. Around that time, more than 570,000 students were studying in higher education institutions in Uzbekistan. As in many countries, a lot of Uzbek students believe a quality education lies abroad and their increasing command of English and openness to the world can bring that goal within reach. Additionally, Uzbekistan’s El-Yurt Umidi foundation, a state agency launched in 2018, covers tuition fees and living expenses of talented people who want to study abroad. The foundation signs a contract with scholarship holders that requires them to return to Uzbekistan and work for three years. Many students study at universities in neighboring countries such as Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, and then, after one or two years, transfer to universities in Uzbekistan. According to Kyrgyz data, some 38,857 Uzbek students studied in higher education institutions in Kyrgyzstan in 2022 and the figure reached 40,282 in 2023. Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev chaired a meeting in May at which officials discussed the 306 majors available at the bachelor’s level in Uzbekistan, and the 625 specialties at the master’s level. They acknowledged that some don’t meet international standards and labor market requirements and explored ways to revise them. Opening new courses in areas of high demand was also discussed. Another problem in Uzbek universities is an excessive focus on specializations. At one journalism university, specialists taught multiple sub-topics, including TV, international news, public relations, the internet, as well as military, travel, art, economic and sports journalism. Progress has been made. More people have access to higher education. Starting this year, state grants are given for one year, and in the remaining years of study, the high grades of students throughout the year are taken into account when awarding further grants. The state is also promoting women’s education, helping to pay for master’s degree students and providing seven-year, interest-free loans for bachelor’s degree students. --- In an interview, Mashhura Rakhmonova reflected on her experience as a university student in Uzbekistan. She attended the Journalism and Mass Communications University of Uzbekistan and recently completed a master’s degree in media law at Tashkent State University of Law, or TSUL. “The university’s academic staff, including well-experienced teachers and professors, stand out for their teaching skills and professional experience,” Rakhmonova said of TSUL. “Honestly, punctuality has always been challenging for me, such as being on time for lessons, adhering to the dress code, and consistently attending classes. The dean of our department is very punctual and responsible in his position. He always keeps a close eye on everything in our department.” She wrote in a Telegram message that the university evaluation system is transparent: “The credibility of TSUL’s exams, conducted in a large hall with disabled internet access, ensures a fair assessment of students' knowledge. The case-study method employed in seminars, where students collaboratively resolve legal scenarios, further enhances the learning experience.” However, Rakhmonova also pointed out drawbacks. Non-specialist applicants, like herself, face significant challenges when applying for specialized programs without prior foundational knowledge. Also, the short term of one year for the master's program can be a significant challenge for both non-specialist students and teachers. “It leaves little time for in-depth research and dissertation preparation,” she said. “In many foreign countries, a master’s degree takes two years, with at least one semester dedicated to writing and preparing the master’s dissertation. It would be beneficial to have an additional semester allocated for the master’s dissertation.” --- Mohizarkhon Mamadaliyeva, a PhD student at Ferghana State University, also commented about higher education in Uzbekistan. Mohizarkhon says that a website has been created for doctoral students to help with administrative work. Also, the university supervises the cooperation of PhD students with professors and provides “motivation to participate in various scholarship programs and international conferences.” She considers it a great opportunity to receive free education at the PhD level in Uzbekistan and to receive a monthly scholarship of 5,650,000 som (approximately $450). She also pointed out that they also have the requirement of a strict uniform, an issue which other students emphasized. --- In another TCA story, Dilorom Mamadjanova talked about bureaucratic problems faced by PhD students. Poziljonova, the student who went to study in Italy, said she found that exams there were strictly monitored in contrast to what she described as a relatively lax environment in Uzbekistan, where plagiarism is a big problem. “That’s why I didn’t even know which subject I didn’t know well in Uzbekistan,” she said. “Currently studying in Italy, I can say 100% that I don’t know math, but I can learn.”

Paving the Path Westward: Insights from the Astana and Shusha Summits

The informal OTS summit in Shusha, hosted at the invitation of Ilham Aliyev, centered on the theme of "Building a Sustainable Future through Transportation, Connectivity and Climate Action." Attendees included Presidents Kassym-Jomart Tokayev of Kazakhstan, Sadyr Japarov of Kyrgyzstan, Shavkat Mirziyoyev of Uzbekistan, Ersin Tatar of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, Prime Minister Viktor Orban of Hungary, and OTS Secretary General Kubanychbek Omuraliev. In place of Erdoğan, who was in Germany supporting the Turkish national soccer team ahead of a crucial Euro 2024 quarter-final against the Netherlands, Vice President Cevdet Yılmaz attended. Turkmen President Serdar Berdimuhamedov was also absent due to hosting UN Secretary-General António Guterres in Ashgabat. Notably, the Shusha summit occurred just two days after the meeting of SCO leaders in Astana, which drew an exceptional amount of attention from international observers due to the participation of the Russian and Chinese leaders. The intrigue surrounding the SCO summit was linked to its closed session, attended only by the Shanghai Ten. At the summit, only the speech delivered by Tokayev was made available to the press. Speeches made in the subsequent SCO+ format sessions were made public, wherein Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping underscored the need for a multi-polar world, suggesting that the SCO members had discussed shifting away from Western cooperation towards the Global South. At the Shusha summit Aliyev highlighted Azerbaijan's commitment to strengthening ties within the Turkic world, emphasizing the importance of the political, economic, and military consolidation of Turkic States as a global power center. Aliyev stated that Azerbaijan has consistently sought to unite the Turkic world and enhance its influence on the global stage, stressing that the OTS should seek to emerge as a significant global power. "We cover a large geographical space and positive demographic dynamics are observed in the member countries. Our greatest assets are our rich natural resources, modern infrastructure for their delivery, transportation corridors connecting Central Asia and the Caucasus with Mediterranean and Black Sea ports, and our rich and ancient history and culture. The commitment of our people to traditional values and ethnic commonality closely unites our countries. The 21st century should become the century of prosperity of the Turkic world," the Azerbaijani leader emphasized. Aliyev also addressed the primary tasks which lie ahead for the OTS, referencing the Astana Declaration of the SCO, which designates Central Asian republics as the organization's foundation. Leaders of these republics who attended the summit in Shusha, Tokayev, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, and Sadyr Japarov, endorsed Aliyev's call for the expansion of the East-West transport corridor connecting Central Asia and Eurasia to Europe. Aliyev further highlighted the Digital Silk Road project, which aims to establish a fiber-optic telecommunication route between Europe and Asia via the Caspian Sea through Azerbaijan. Furthermore, when the President of Kazakhstan delivered his speech, he stressed the significance of the Trans-Caspian International Transportation Route. "The potential of the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route should be fully utilized. Today, the volume of container transportation along this corridor has doubled compared to 2023. We have launched a multimodal digital platform, Digital Trade Corridor, to reduce cargo transit time. The Azerbaijani side is closely cooperating with us in this direction," Tokayev stated. Aliyev also took the opportunity to highlight the fact that Azerbaijan will host COP29 this year. "We regard the chairmanship of COP29 and the hosting of this event in Baku as a clear example of the great confidence the international community has in our country,” he stated. “About 200 countries unanimously supported our candidacy. Using the experience gained during its four-year chairmanship of the Non-Aligned Movement, Azerbaijan will strive to strengthen solidarity and achieve consensus between developed and developing countries." The Karabakh Declaration, adopted by participants of the informal summit in Shusha, further proves that Central Asia and the Organization of Turkic States remain committed to regional cooperation and maintaining good relations with Europe. In fact, one of the clauses within the declaration explicitly states the aspirations of the OTS and Central Asia for global cooperation and openness: "Strengthening regional ties and economic integration between the member states through the Trans-Caspian International East-West Corridor (Middle Corridor) connecting Europe, Turkey, the South Caucasus, Central Asia, and China... for sustainable development, economic prosperity, and international trade by increasing trade and attracting investment in the infrastructure of ports and railroads." In essence, whilst the Western media may choose to focus on Putin and Xi, the influence of China and Russia on the rest of the SCO members is overly exaggerated, and any talk of Central Asia isolating itself from the West is unfounded.

Nuclear Race: Will Central Asia Build a Nuclear Power Plant?

The answer to the question posed in the title remains uncertain. While Uzbekistan has plans to construct a nuclear power plant and Kazakhstan is set to hold a referendum this fall to gauge public opinion on building one, progress is sluggish. Tashkent has postponed the start of construction, and the issue sparks heated debate in Kazakhstan. The First Nuclear Power Plant in Central Asia Historically, Central Asia did host a nuclear facility. Located on the shore of the Caspian Sea in Kazakhstan, this was not a conventional nuclear power plant but a fast neutron reactor known as BN-350. The reactor was the core of the Mangistau Nuclear Power Plant, designed to transform the Mangyshlak Peninsula by providing energy to the city of Aktau (formerly Shevchenko) and powering large-scale desalination plants that supplied drinking water to the arid region. [caption id="attachment_20031" align="aligncenter" width="366"] BN-350[/caption] Operational from 1973 until its shutdown in 1999, the BN-350 reactor was decommissioned due to the allocation of U.S. funds for new desalination and heating equipment and the disposal of its remaining fuel. The extensive maintenance and decommissioning work on the BN-350 have given Kazakhstani nuclear physicists significant experience with such complex and hazardous technology. However, younger generations in Kazakhstan are largely unaware of the BN-350 reactor’s existence. Their knowledge of nuclear physics is often limited to the harrowing stories passed down about nuclear warhead tests at the Semipalatinsk test site and their devastating effects. Fear and Nuclear Power: Kazakhstan's Dilemma The societal fear surrounding nuclear energy in Kazakhstan is deeply intertwined with political concerns. For a long time, the leadership in Kazakhstan has hesitated to move beyond merely discussing the need for a nuclear power plant (NPP) to actually initiating the project. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev recently announced that a referendum would take place in the fall of 2024. However, Ministry of Energy's officials avoided mentioning the word "referendum" until the last moment, previously asserting it was unnecessary. Public hearings were held last year in the village of Ulken, Zhambyl district, Almaty region, a proposed site for the nuclear plant. The Ministry of Energy’s press release stated that the local populace supported developing nuclear power, highlighting its significance for regional socio-economic growth. However, media reports revealed that the hearings were contentious, with opposing viewpoints almost disrupting the speech of Nurlan Ertas, the head (akim) of the Zhambyl district. Activists even displayed banners and posters against the plant's construction. Certain groups have exploited the population's fear of another disaster like Chernobyl. Additionally, the government has struggled to convince the public that nuclear technologies are becoming safer. In contrast, Europe now includes nuclear power plants in its list of green energy sources, similar to other renewable energy sources (RES). In Kazakhstan, renewable energy accounts for only 5% of the total energy produced. The introduction of NPPs could significantly enhance the country’s position in reducing carbon emissions. The government faces a growing electricity shortage that can be addressed either harmfully or fearfully. The harmful options are coal-fired thermal power plants and traditional thermal power stations. The frightening option, in the eyes of many, is nuclear power. Uzbekistan's Nuclear Drift Uzbekistan's journey towards establishing its own nuclear power plant (NPP) somewhat mirrors that of Kazakhstan. The notion of building an NPP in Uzbekistan first emerged in the 1980s, with the identification of over seven dozen potential sites through surveys. However, the collapse of the USSR halted progress, and the topic became taboo. Concerns about seismic activity rendering nuclear technologies hazardous — similar to those expressed by opponents of NPPs in Kazakhstan — also played a role. As the need for its own NPP became apparent — given Uzbekistan (and Kazakhstan) lacked alternative means to accelerate energy generation — Tashkent evaluated projects from companies in the U.S., China, France, South Korea, and others. Ultimately, Russia was chosen as the prospective partner. On December 29, 2017, the governments of Russia and Uzbekistan agreed to cooperate in nuclear energy, after six months of preparation. The initial project proposed constructing a nuclear power plant with Russian-designed VVER-1200 reactors in the Jizzakh region. Each reactor would have a capacity of 1200 MW, totaling 2400 MW from two reactors. This plant was expected to meet about 15-18% of Uzbekistan's electricity demand by 2030, with a launch date set for 2029. However, construction did not commence until Russian President Vladimir Putin's official visit to Tashkent at the end of May this year. During his visit, Putin and the President of Uzbekistan, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, signed a new agreement to construct a low-capacity nuclear power plant — a novel Rosatom development with no global analogs. The new project entails a nuclear power plant with six reactors, each with a capacity of 55 MW, totaling 330 MW. This is significantly less powerful than the 2017 project. The new plan retains the original timeline, with a phased launch starting in 2029 and ending in 2033. The sluggish progress in building NPPs in both Tashkent and Astana is largely attributable to Russia's current status as a pariah in the Western world. Geopolitical considerations aside, technological expertise plays a crucial role. Rosatom is still considered more advanced in nuclear technology compared to competitors in the U.S., France, South Korea, and China. While Kazakhstan attempts to placate its citizens with explanations, both Astana and Tashkent are biding their time. It remains to be seen what progress can be made whilst Russia's geopolitical isolation endures.

SCO Summit: Eurasian Alliance Signs Security Agreements; Welcomes Belarus

By Jonathan Campion, reporting from the SCO Summit in Astana   At the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit in Astana this morning, leaders from the bloc’s member states signed a host of agreements intended to promote cohesion in the Eurasia region. The first session, which was held behind closed doors, had begun with the signing of the document that accepted Belarus as the SCO’s 10th full member. The SCO is a political, security and economic alliance, of which Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan are founding members. The group also includes China, Russia, Iran, India, Pakistan, and now Belarus. The organization has four observer states and 14 dialogue partners, covering half of the world’s population, and almost a third of global GDP.  The first agreement signed was a document outlining the Shanghai Cooperation Organization’s development strategy for the next 12 months. In 2025 Kazakhstan will pass chairmanship of the alliance to China, and there is speculation that the SCO may grow further next year, to include at least one new member. With security a growing concern for members, particularly in light of the March terrorist attack outside Moscow, for which the terror group Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISIS-K) have claimed responsibility, leaders approved the SCO’s latest three-year Cooperation Program to counter terrorism, separatism and extremism. The parties also signed an agreement on the organization’s regional anti-drug strategy. Another high-profile document is the SCO’s development strategy for cooperation in the energy sphere. Kazakhstan is at the forefront of the region’s transition to green energy, with Chinese leader Xi Jinping mentioning the country’s new Zhanatas wind farm and the Turgusun hydropower station as key joint projects with China in an article published in the Kazakh press this week. The heads of state were welcomed to the Summit by Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, with his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin, Aleksandr Lukashenko of Belarus and Chinese leader Xi Jinping the last to arrive, ten minutes after the other dignitaries. Some leaders did not arrive at all: India’s Narendra Modi is not attending this year’s SCO Summit, and has sent the country’s external affairs minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar in his place.  The Summit's afternoon session is styled as "SCO Plus". In attendance are the heads of state of the alliance's dialogue partners, including the presidents of Turkey and Azerbaijan, Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Ilham Aliyev. Turkmenistan – which is not affiliated to the SCO but which is invited as a guest – is led not by its President Serdar Berdimuhamedov, but by his father Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, the former leader who is now the chairman of the country’s People’s Council.  

Two-Dimensional Outlook Characterizes Western Media Response to SCO Summit

The Western media’s binary response to the latest Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Astana creates an unnecessary – and perhaps unintentional – “us-versus-them” dichotomy. Characterizing the SCO as the “anti-NATO” alliance where China, Russia and Iran come together, this style of coverage makes no mention of the evident efforts of the majority of post-Soviet states to balance Russia’s decades-long influence in the region. It is also notable that the same outlets serving up this black and white coverage are not even in attendance at the summit, preferring to take aim from abroad. Central Asian states cannot escape the realities of their geography and have to largely rely on Russia and China for their economic prosperity. At the same time, their future independence requires that they are a respected part of the international rules-based order as well as on their increased contribution to global supply chains. Kazakhstan’s recent democratic reforms are in direct contrast to the authoritarian image cast on so-called “anti-NATO” countries. Armenia has announced plans to quit Russia’s Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) military alliance. Generally, the countries in the region have – with different degrees of enthusiasm – implemented a multi-vector foreign policy, including following international sanctions against Russia and issuing statements supporting the “territorial integrity of Ukraine.” Uzbekistan’s courts even went so far as to convict a citizen for joining Russian troops fighting in Ukraine. Those looking to force an antiquated one-size-fits-all Cold War paradigm on Central Asia will ultimately be frustrated. The ongoing SCO event in Astana is bringing together a mainly Eastern-centric group of leaders speaking about deeper cooperation among the Organization’s members. While the Western press may simply decry this gathering as anti-Western, the fact that Central Asia stood in support of international sanctions against Russia and stayed neutral in the conflict with Ukraine, much to the chagrin of Vladimir Putin and his retinue, shows the region holds more shades of grey than stark black and white. Central Asia cannot be expected to fall entirely into the orbit of Western or Eastern leaning powers. The region’s republics will, and should, aim to be aligned with both. Arguably, the West, Russia, and China may all be disappointed in the end, but that outcome may well be in the best interests of the Central Asian states.

Astana Hosts SCO Summit: A New Platform for Kazakh Diplomacy

With the first events of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit taking place this morning in Kazakhstan’s capital, Astana, conversations are beginning about what the host country will be discussing – and with whom. The SCO is a political, security and economic alliance in the wider Eurasia region, aimed at promoting trade and investments between member states, as well as global security. Its nine full members are Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, China, Russia, Iran, India and Pakistan. The Organization – which includes four observer states and 14 dialogue partners – covers half of the world’s population, and almost a third of global GDP. Kazakhstan’s multi-vector approach to its foreign policy has seen the country combining its role within the SCO with cooperation with Western governments, through dialogue with the European Union and the United States’ C5+1 platform. President Tokayev recently commented that: “Kazakhstan is committed to multilateral cooperation. In our foreign policy we proceed from the national interests, and are in favor of solving all disputable issues on the basis of rational compromise. In addition to the SCO, this year our country is chairing five other international organizations. This is an unprecedented case, one could say an achievement in the history of Kazakh diplomacy.” This multi-vector approach is key to Kazakhstan’s international diplomacy. Indeed, ‘mutually beneficial cooperation’ and ‘mutually beneficial strategic partnership’ have become the watchwords of Tokayev’s presidency. Over the past decade, Kazakhstan has become an increasingly important land-bridge between East and West, both in terms of trade and diplomacy. Due to projects such as the Belt and Road Initiative and the Middle Corridor, Kazakhstan’s location has made it an indispensable ally to China, whilst playing a pivotal role in the expansion of transcontinental trade has led to Central Asia, in the words of Tokayev, “become a global stakeholder.” In the opinion of experts, more of the same can be expected at this week’s SCO Summit. In an interview conducted by the Kazinform news agency, local political analyst Valery Volodin stressed that: “It goes without saying that each government will be defending its own interests [at the Summit]. But Kazakhstan will be placing an emphasis on regional stability, which will allow countries to implement a host of joint projects with China and Russia. Besides this, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s gift for diplomacy will push the SCO to become not just a discussion club, but a real mechanism to solve problems in Eurasia using dialogue between governments.” In an article in The Geopolitics, Michael Rossi, a professor of political science at Long Island University, posited that Kazakhstan is not playing the so-called ‘Great Game’ between East and West, but rather pointing out the scope for "Big Opportunities". “Kazakhstan’s positive relations with countries often in conflict, such as Russia and Ukraine, China and the United States, Azerbaijan and Armenia, and Israel and the Palestinian territories, grant Astana legitimacy,” Rossi writes, “to act as a buffer and stabilizing force among major powers. This positioning allows Kazakhstan to reduce tensions and potentially mediate conflicts. Under the leadership of President Tokayev, a former diplomat and Director-General of the U.N. Office at Geneva, Kazakhstan is gaining respect and authority not only among its neighbors but also among leaders in the West, Asia, and the Middle East.” In this regard the American professor agrees with the Russian analyst Konstantin Kalachov, who has commented on the Summit: “I think the issue of security and stability [across the territory of SCO nations] will be at the center of attention. Participants will discuss threats, look at risks, and will make announcements about their respect for sovereignty – and the search for peace.”