The Turkic States Are Quietly Building a Geoeconomic Power Base
The Organization of Turkic States (OTS) has spent the past years assembling itself not through declarations or summit communiqués, but through shared transport and logistics, harmonized customs procedures, and coordinated capital flows. What began in 2009 as the Turkic Council, a lightly institutional and rhetorically cohesive forum for shared identity, has evolved, following its 2021 transformation into the OTS, into a logistical and regulatory organism. Its under-the-radar evolution has been systematized through agreed documents, deployed capital, and materialized infrastructure. The OTS has entered a phase of procedural coordination and structural intent. Its cooperation is now practical, strategic, and functionally embedded. This evolution has not followed a single arc, nor has it merely responded to outside pressures. Instead, it has progressed through an uneven sequence of internal adjustments, sometimes slow and technical, sometimes accelerated by external jolts such as the recent disruption in Azerbaijani–Russian relations. But such jolts only intensified a trajectory already underway. Member states had been converging long before this most recent bilateral crisis by aligning their policies, testing instruments, and developing the practical grammar of multilateral coordination. The current phase of renewed cooperation is not a reactive surge but a prepared transition that expresses an underlying structural shift in Eurasian geoeconomics at large. Digital Infrastructure and Networked Cooperation If there is a single domain where institutional convergence becomes immediately visible, this would be digital logistics. Once-fractured national processes — disjointed customs systems, mismatched permits, bureaucratic duplication — have begun to fold into a shared administrative architecture (including eTIR, eCMR, and ePermit) structured by international conventions that have been adapted to fit the particular alignments now emerging in the Turkic sphere. These procedures are no longer pilot projects but live systems. They digitize paperwork, synchronize border procedures, and build the kind of operational rhythms that trade corridors need in order to function. Negotiations continue, meanwhile, on a Free Trade in Services Agreement, targeted not at deregulation but at harmonization, viz., the alignment of technical and professional standards across a disparate set of economies. Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan, for example, are already piloting a Simplified Customs Corridor. Its eventual integration with the multimodal Uzbekistan–Türkiye axis is not a matter of if, but of how soon. Official observer states to the OTS are also beginning to move, with Hungary being the clearest case. Its $100 million injection into the Turkic Investment Fund made headlines, but the real story is downstream: Hungarian infrastructure now receives Azerbaijani gas via Türkiye. That is not diplomacy; that is energy dependence, structurally routed. Turkmenistan, long the holdout, has started to engage, first through planning meetings and now through signed agreements. Its ports, once idle in regional plans, are being fitted into the wider Caspian logistics network. The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), formally recognized only by Türkiye, is also a functional participant through educational exchanges, shared language, and soft institutions. Reciprocal Trade and Development The shift underway is as much geographic as it is institutional. Central Asia is no longer on the margins of the OTS project but is becoming its frame, with Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan leading the transition. In 2023, bilateral trade between the two passed the $5 billion mark. Both sides expect to double that by 2028. Trade figures, however, are not the point; rather, the point is what lies beneath them: aligned tariffs, a joint investment fund already over $250 million, and operational industrial zones in Shymkent and Tashkent that bind the two economies together at the level of physical plant and labor mobility. Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan have taken it further. Together, they have launched a $500 million fund to back joint hard-asset infrastructure, including a logistics center in Samarkand and a proposed petrochemical plant in Navoi. Kyrgyzstan has taken another route. It is not the largest actor, but it has served as a testbed for customs reforms, digital permitting, and early eCMR adoption. Its reward has been a 60% rise in trade with OTS members. Turkmenistan, once detached, is now offering unused port capacity and quietly participating in feasibility studies for the China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan (CKU) railway. Türkiye, for its part, remains everywhere. In 2023, Turkish firms signed contracts exceeding $2.2 billion across Central Asia, covering construction, textiles, and light manufacturing. These are labor-absorbing sectors that embed Turkish capital still more deeply in the region’s employment ecosystems, not to mention its social-stability calculus. What is consolidating itself in this space is not a bloc or an alliance, but a logistical and institutional meshwork, emerging from administrative coordination, co-located infrastructure, and other commitments. Energy Coordination and Financial Convergence Energy came first, and it remains the deepest stratum. Before the OTS had a name, Azerbaijani gas was already flowing west. The Trans-Anatolian Natural Gas Pipeline (TANAP, from its Turkish initials) carries into Türkiye for domestic consumption as well as for re-export into the European grid. Now, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan are exploring new routes, new off-takes, and new roles in the energy economy of the region. Azerbaijan is coordinating with them to enter the electricity export sector through feasibility studies for a submarine cable to Europe. Finance has begun to crystallize. The Turkic Investment Fund, launched in 2023 with $1 billion in starting capital, is small by global standards but structurally bold. It is not a grant mechanism; rather, it co-finances hard infrastructure and cross-border enterprise. Projects under consideration range from a green hydrogen facility in Uzbekistan to a logistics terminal in western Kazakhstan. A Council of Central Banks is under design with the policy goal of harmonizing currency regimes and macro-prudential rules across the region. Hungary, still nominally an observer, is adjusting its fintech regulations to stay in sync. Banks in Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan have begun partnerships with Turkish and Azerbaijani institutions. This evolution should not be misconceived as a financial bloc; it is becoming a zone of interoperable monetary systems, wiring a regional financial nervous system into place, segment by segment. Human Capital and Functional Differentiation Beyond the infrastructure, the joint ventures, and the funding, something slower but more decisive is happening. The capacity to sustain these projects is also being developed: human capital, vocational integration, and institutional depth. Over two million small and medium enterprises across the region are now in touch with the Union of Turkic Chambers and Commodity Exchanges (TOBB), which links them to a platform providing legal services, licensing support, and training across national lines. The TOBB acts as an umbrella organization for local and national chambers of commerce, industry, and commodity exchanges, with the intention of reinforcing the private sector’s unity and solidarity, professional discipline, and ethical business practices. Education is adapting in parallel. Universities in Türkiye, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan are collaborating on scholarship programs — not just in theory, but in applied fields: law, logistics, engineering. In Kazakhstan, the Turan Special Economic Zone (SEZ) has fused technical training with economic function. Customs officers, project managers, logistics coordinators — are being trained where the work happens. Uzbekistan is building out the same model. Across this network, roles are beginning to settle. Türkiye still leads in construction and defense. Azerbaijan holds the energy core and manages logistical throughput. Kazakhstan is increasingly the financial and infrastructural organizer. Uzbekistan is assembling industrial capacity. Kyrgyzstan is serving as a laboratory for digital services. Turkmenistan keeps its traditional position in hydrocarbons. Hungary provides the bridge to EU regulatory terrain. The TRNC contributes through its universities. This composite is what late 19th-century sociologists called the “division of labor” and what mid-20th-century political scientists called “functional differentiation”. From Adjacency to Centrality The OTS is not a single system, but it is also no longer a rhetorical idea. Its coherence is being produced in situ, not by design but through friction and iteration. Once institutional structures reach this level of entanglement, what holds them together is no longer aspiration but interdependence. What binds this system together is not any uniformity, but rather the very friction that has settled into structure. Across sectors and states, the OTS is producing coordination without centralization, alignment without hierarchy. Its coherence is not yet formal, but it is already operational. The region is ceasing to be “adjacent” to other regions; it is asserting its own “centrality” through autonomous integration and external networking.
Turkish Court Orders Deportation of Two Turkmen Bloggers
A Turkish court in the city of Samsun has ordered the deportation of two Turkmen bloggers, Alisher Sakhadov and Abdullah Orusov, despite their applications for international protection. The Turkmenistan Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights reported that the court issued its ruling on June 13, 2025, and officially notified the men's lawyer on June 27. The court found both men to be residing in Turkey illegally and rejected their asylum claims. According to documents reviewed by their lawyer, the decisions in the two cases were nearly identical, with some sections reportedly copied verbatim. Sakhadov applied for protection in April 2023 but was later issued a permanent entry ban under Code G-82, which Turkish authorities assign to individuals deemed threats to national security. The court concluded that he faced no credible risk of mistreatment if returned to Turkmenistan. Orusov’s case followed a similar pattern. He applied for protection in July 2023 and received the same security designation. The court similarly ruled that his return would not expose him to torture or degrading treatment. Their legal team plans to appeal the ruling to Turkey’s Constitutional Court. Requests for the release of both men from deportation centers were denied on June 25 and 26. Alisher Sahatov is one of the most prominent Turkmen activists in Turkey. He became a well-known figure within the diaspora through his YouTube channel Erkin Garaýyş, where he highlighted the challenges faced by Turkmen migrants. Abdullah Orusov was also active on social media, where he regularly criticized the Turkmen authorities. His posts often resonated widely among migrants and human rights advocates. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, another Turkmen activist, Dushemov, completed a four-year prison sentence in June 2025 but was transferred to a pre-trial detention center instead of being released. New charges were filed against him following an alleged altercation with another inmate. Dushemov and human rights organizations claim the case was fabricated to extend his detention, part of what they describe as a broader campaign of repression against government critics.
Jessica Lynn’s Concerts in Ashgabat: A New Chapter in Turkmenistan’s Cultural Landscape
Ashgabat, Turkmenistan, July 2025 – American country-rock artist Jessica Lynn will perform in Turkmenistan’s capital, Ashgabat, on July 5 and July 6, marking a rare cultural exchange between the country and the West. This event offers a glimpse into Turkmenistan’s gradual shift towards engaging with global culture, even as the country remains cautious in its diplomatic and cultural openness. For the residents of Ashgabat, Jessica Lynn’s performance presents an opportunity to experience live music from a genre not often seen in this part of the world—a blend of American country, rock, and pop influences that are popular across the United States but less familiar in Turkmenistan. As noted by the U.S. Embassy in Turkmenistan, these concerts symbolize a key moment in strengthening cultural diplomacy. A Milestone for Turkmenistan’s Cultural Diplomacy Jessica Lynn’s two concerts will take place at two significant venues in Ashgabat: the Turkmenistan Cinema Concert Hall and the Arkaç Shopping and Entertainment Center, both emblematic of the country’s urban modernization. The concerts, open to the public on a first-come, first-served basis, come at a time when Turkmenistan is slowly embracing a more open stance towards foreign cultural influence. While the country has long been known for its cultural isolation, recent leadership under President Serdar Berdimuhamedov has shown a willingness to engage selectively with the outside world, particularly in the fields of art and entertainment. These concerts serve as a cultural milestone, not just because of Jessica Lynn’s genre-defying music, but also as part of Turkmenistan’s broader strategy to position itself as a more modern and internationally engaged country. By inviting a Western artist like Jessica Lynn, the government is signaling its intent to introduce international music into a society where such influences were once heavily restricted. According to the Turkmenistan State News Agency, the government’s outreach is part of its gradual integration into global culture. Why Country-Rock? The Shared Themes Between Turkmen and American Music The choice of country-rock for this cultural exchange might seem unexpected, but there are surprising similarities between Turkmen folk music and American country music. Both musical traditions place a strong emphasis on storytelling, with lyrics often centered around love, hardship, national pride, and life in rural communities. Turkmen folk music, which has been passed down through generations, is known for its rich oral traditions and its focus on personal and communal narratives. The dutar, a two-stringed instrument, plays a key role in many of these traditional songs, but the central theme—narrating stories of daily life and personal experiences—echoes the storytelling style that defines much of American country music. This connection between storytelling traditions is explored in a Nomads Life article about the influence of Western music on Turkmen artists, highlighting how both cultures value narrative as a central element of their music. Much like the country ballads of artists like Johnny Cash and Dolly Parton, Turkmen folk songs depict struggles, resilience, and deep connections to the land. For example, Turkmen songs often tell tales of life on the steppe, which resonates with country music’s focus on the rural American experience. These shared emotional themes of longing for home, connection to nature, and personal resilience create a natural bridge between the two musical cultures. As explored in an analysis by Oriented Opinion, these common themes provide fertile ground for cross-cultural understanding. A New Generation’s Engagement with Global Music For many in Turkmenistan, especially the younger generation, Jessica Lynn’s concert will offer a rare opportunity to experience live Western music in a country where foreign cultural influences have only recently begun to take hold. While Turkmenistan remains a highly controlled society, there has been a marked shift in how the country engages with international culture. Events like Lynn’s concerts, though still exceptional, are becoming more common, reflecting a gradual loosening of cultural restrictions. The performances will likely appeal to a young, cosmopolitan audience that is increasingly exposed to global pop culture through the internet, social media, and state-sponsored events. This shift towards greater cultural openness is in line with recent developments noted in reports by the Turkmenistan State News Agency that discuss the country’s increased cultural exchange and participation in international festivals. This engagement with Western music is not just about the novelty of a foreign artist performing in Ashgabat; it also reflects a growing cultural exchange where Turkmen audiences can appreciate global art forms while still maintaining a strong sense of national identity. As Turkmenistan opens its cultural borders, such performances represent an intersection of tradition and modernity, where global influences are carefully blended with local customs. Cultural Diplomacy Through Music: A Steady Approach The significance of Jessica Lynn’s concerts goes beyond entertainment. They represent cultural diplomacy in action, with music serving as a soft power tool that helps to build connections and foster mutual understanding. The U.S. Embassy in Turkmenistan has highlighted the concerts as part of its broader efforts to strengthen people-to-people ties between the two nations. Music, as a universal language, has long been recognized for its ability to transcend political and cultural boundaries. For Turkmenistan, hosting an American artist is a way to project a more modern, outward-facing image, while also maintaining control over the kinds of foreign influences that enter the country. This cultural diplomacy approach is reflected in previous reports from the U.S. Embassy in Turkmenistan and its ongoing commitment to fostering these types of exchanges. While the concerts are small in scope, they fit within a larger trend of cautious internationalization. Turkmenistan has hosted various Western musical acts in recent years, and these events serve as stepping stones towards greater cultural engagement. Hosting Jessica Lynn is another carefully managed step that shows the country’s willingness to engage with international culture, but always on its own terms. Looking Ahead: What Do These Concerts Mean for Turkmenistan’s Future? Jessica Lynn’s performances are part of a broader movement within Turkmenistan to gradually modernize while still adhering to its cultural and political values. As the country slowly embraces more international influences, it will be interesting to see whether these cultural exchanges will expand beyond music into other areas such as film, literature, or visual arts. As Turkmenistan continues to open up, the influence of international music will play an important role in shaping its future cultural direction. For now, the concerts represent a rare opportunity for cultural interaction, and for Jessica Lynn, it’s an uncommon chance to perform in a country that remains relatively closed off from the global stage. Her music, rooted in the storytelling tradition that resonates deeply with Turkmen folk music, will undoubtedly strike a chord with audiences in Ashgabat, while offering a fresh perspective on American country-rock. In the long term, events like these may play a role in shaping Turkmenistan’s cultural future—a future where controlled openness and international collaboration continue to define the nation’s approach to cultural engagement. For now, as Jessica Lynn takes the stage in Ashgabat, she’ll be part of a quiet revolution in Turkmenistan’s cultural landscape, one that celebrates both tradition and global connection.
Turkmenistan’s Diplomatic Moves Amid Iran-Israel Tensions
One of the elements most highlighted by the recent military confrontation between Israel and the U.S. on one side and Iran on the other is the geographical relevance of Central Asia to the situation. This is particularly true in the case of Turkmenistan, a country that shares a border of almost 1,200 kilometers with Iran. During the most intense days of the conflict, in a particularly unusual move, Turkmenistan opened its borders to foreign citizens seeking to escape from Iranian territory, which was under Israeli air strikes at the time. On the diplomatic front, there have also been several high-level meetings and talks involving Turkmenistan; just after his meeting in Moscow with Russian President Vladimir Putin, the Iranian Foreign Minister, Abbas Araghchi, travelled to Ashgabat for a meeting with his Turkmen counterpart, Rashid Meredov. The day after, Meredov had a telephone conversation with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov arrived in Ashgabat for a meeting with the Turkmen leader, Serdar Berdimuhamedov. Focusing primarily on the mutual isolation of Turkmenistan and Iran, Luca Anceschi, Professor of Eurasian Studies at the University of Glasgow, gave The Times of Central Asia his interpretation of these developments: “In my opinion, there is a fundamental issue, which is Turkmen isolation. When we see a small shift, we think that things are changing, but nothing changes. The second isolation is that of Iran, which in this case is not intentional. The reality we have seen in recent days is that Iran is isolated at the regional level. Russia has made it clear that Iran is expendable, and has not given reassuring answers. We see that there is an attempt to remedy this forced isolation on the part of Iran. To get out of these regional arrangements, they have tried to go everywhere, including Ashgabat.” Operational agreements on the energy side are certainly weighing on Tehran's desire to reassure Turkmenistan about the stability of the theocratic regime that rules Iran. These agreements are particularly useful to Iran in meeting the energy needs of the northern part of the country, which is remote and poorly connected to the south, where the country’s main natural gas fields are located. According to Temur Umarov, a Fellow at the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center, “Since 2022, Turkmenistan's visibility in Eurasian politics has certainly increased, and this is also the result of geopolitical changes that have taken place in the region in recent years,” Umarov told TCA. “What happened in Iran further increases Ashgabat's visibility, but it was coincidental that Lavrov's visit to Turkmenistan took place during the clash between Israel and Iran, as it was part of a wider tour of the region by the Russian Foreign Minister.” Another aspect that should be considered is the change in tone on the part of Turkmen diplomacy, which at first glance appears much more assertive than in the past. A few weeks ago, Ashgabat issued a very harsh statement regarding Trump's decision to include Turkmenistan among the countries subject to travel bans, and, at least according to Iranian media reports, during the meeting between Araghchi and Meredov, the latter referred to Israel as a “Zionist regime.” Anceschi remains cautious on this point, too. “We are used to such low levels of diplomatic activism on the part of Turkmenistan that even the smallest reaction risks being overestimated,” he told TCA. “As for the reaction to the U.S. decision, cynically speaking, the fact that there is one less destination for Turkmenistan is to the regime's advantage. With regard to Meredov's definition of Israel, I think it is the Iranian regime that has used that term.” This interpretation is also shared by Umarov. “I believe that Turkmenistan wants to maintain stable relations with Israel as well as with Iran,” he told TCA. “Ashgabat is therefore trying to balance its close relationship with Iran, especially on the commercial front, without breaking ties with Israel, with whom Turkmenistan has a stable relationship.” Umarov also links Turkmenistan's decision to open its border to allow the escape of some thousand foreign nationals, mainly from Central Asia, to its political proximity to Iran: “Many countries have asked Turkmenistan to facilitate the passage of people wishing to leave Iran, and Ashgabat has agreed both because of its cooperation with Tehran, and to seek international attention at a time when other Central Asian republics are receiving a lot of it.” On this point, Anceschi favors a more pragmatic approach. “I think that the border between Iran and Turkmenistan is less impermeable than we generally think. We saw this with Covid, which most likely entered Turkmenistan from Iran, even though the Turkmen regime has always denied its presence in the country. I therefore think that Ashgabat's decision is a matter of practical expediency, making official a border permeability that already exists in practice.” In the case of Turkmenistan, it is always difficult to understand which dynamics are temporary and which represent long-term changes. This largely stems from the nature of the Turkmen regime, which has always relied on international isolation to maintain its internal stability. Given its proximity to an unstable Iran, however, this could slowly be starting to change.
Turkmenistan Attracts Renewed Attention from Washington and Moscow Amid Regional Tensions
Turkmenistan has become the focus of intensified diplomatic engagement from both Russia and the United States, as geopolitical tensions in the broader region escalate, particularly following recent clashes between Iran and Israel.
On June 25, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov concluded a two-day visit to Ashgabat, where he emphasized expanding economic ties but also made clear Russia’s intention to preserve its cultural and political influence in Turkmenistan. Lavrov announced plans to open a joint Russian-Turkmen university and called for increased youth exchanges.
“We suggest expanding the productive interaction between the Institute of International Relations under Turkmenistan’ Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the MGIMO University under the Russian Foreign Ministry and developing ties between budding diplomats of the both countries with the assistance of our Council of Young Diplomats,” Lavrov said, according to a Russian Foreign Ministry transcript.
In parallel, Lavrov took aim at U.S. regional policy. While condemning U.S. strikes on Iranian nuclear infrastructure under the Trump administration, he nonetheless praised its “realism and common sense,” in contrast to what he termed the Biden administration’s “neoliberal hegemonic plans.”
U.S. Diplomatic Overtures
The United States has also stepped up its outreach. On the same day Lavrov arrived in Ashgabat, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio held a phone call with Turkmen Foreign Minister Rashid Meredov. Two days earlier, Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau also spoke with Meredov. According to a State Department readout, Rubio thanked Turkmenistan for facilitating the transit of U.S. citizens out of Iran during the recent Iranian-Israeli crisis and expressed interest in expanding economic and commercial cooperation.
Though historically neutral and cautious in its diplomacy, Turkmenistan has shown recent signs of greater engagement with Western partners. Earlier this year, it launched a gas-swap deal involving Turkey and Iran to supply natural gas to the European Union, a move some analysts suggest may have raised concerns in Moscow.
Strategic Infrastructure and U.S. Interest
Adding to speculation over increased Western interest, on June 23, Nezavisimaya Gazeta reported the opening of a new airport in Jebel, near the Caspian Sea. The airport, built on the site of a former Soviet military airfield, features a 3,200-meter runway and modern navigation systems. The publication suggested that such infrastructure could be of interest to the U.S. military.
Despite recent overtures, Turkmenistan’s relations with Washington have faced challenges. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, citizens of Turkmenistan are among those affected by new travel restrictions under an executive order signed by President Donald Trump. The order, which took effect on June 9, aims to curb visa overstays and enhance national security. Critics argue that the measure is overly broad and risks being discriminatory.
International Human Rights Defenders Demand Release of Turkmen Activist
Turkmen civil activist Murat Dushemov, who has completed a four-year prison sentence, was not released on June 14 as expected. Instead, he was transferred to a pre-trial detention facility in Turkmenabat just days before his anticipated release. Sentence Served, Yet No Freedom According to Turkmen.News, new criminal charges were filed against Dushemov following an alleged altercation with another inmate, an incident human rights defenders claim was fabricated. Dushemov asserts he was framed in a deliberate provocation: "The person who filed the complaint started hitting the wall, injuring himself, and smearing the wall with blood. They want to slander me again to prolong my stay here," he said. Human rights advocates argue the authorities are using these new accusations as a tactic to extend Dushemov's imprisonment. Retaliation for Criticism Dushemov was arrested in 2021 and sentenced to four years on charges of extortion and bodily harm. International watchdogs have consistently stated that the charges were politically motivated. Prior to his arrest, Dushemov had openly criticized the Turkmen government's COVID-19 policies, questioning the legal basis for mask mandates and mandatory vaccination, which he refused to comply with. One allegation involved the chief doctor of a medical facility, whom Dushemov allegedly blackmailed by threatening to release a compromising video. Another accusation stemmed from a supposed provocation in prison, where two inmates, allegedly encouraged by authorities, fought each other and later claimed Dushemov had assaulted them. Global Advocacy Five human rights groups, including the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, Turkmen.News, the Turkmen Human Rights Initiative, the International Partnership for Human Rights, and the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia, have issued a joint statement calling for Dushemov’s immediate release. They condemned the new charges as retaliation for his civic activism: “The authorities must drop the new criminal charges brought against civil society activist Murat Dushemov as clear retaliation for his activities and release him immediately,” they stated. The groups also urged Turkmenistan’s international partners to exert diplomatic pressure on Ashgabat to halt its persecution of activists and journalists. Human Rights Watch echoed this call, stating on June 25 that the Turkmen authorities must “immediately and unconditionally release activist Murat Dushemov and end all abuses aimed at prolonging his detention.” The case of Murat Dushemov illustrates the ongoing suppression of dissent in Turkmenistan. Despite growing international criticism, the government continues to use the criminal justice system as a tool to silence civil society.
From Eurasia to Greater Central Asia: A Region Reclaims Its Voice
At its most basic, Eurasia refers to the combined landmass of Europe and Asia, stretching from the Atlantic Ocean in the west to the Pacific in the east, and from the Arctic in the north to South and Southeast Asia in the south. Yet when defined in political or economic terms, the concept becomes more complex. This vast region—covering over 36% of the world’s surface area—includes influential Western institutions in the west, such as the European Union and the Council of Europe. In contrast, the east is shaped by post-Soviet and Sino-Russian groupings, including the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). In policy circles, the term "Eurasia" often refers more narrowly to the Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia) and Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Mongolia, and Afghanistan). Yet countries in these regions rarely lead the institutions that shape their future. Instead, most regional organizations are dominated by larger powers, primarily Russia and China. One partial exception is the Organization of Turkic States (OTS), though it excludes non-Turkic members such as Tajikistan, Georgia, and Armenia. Many external actors—beginning with Japan's "Central Asia plus Japan" initiative in 2001—have formed dialogue platforms with the five post-Soviet Central Asian republics, often referred to collectively as the "C5." More recently, Turkey, China, the EU, and others have created similar frameworks. While these engagements have value, they are usually shaped by external agendas. The fundamental issue remains: Central Asia lacks strong, self-directed institutions of its own. In response to this institutional vacuum, Professor S. Frederick Starr proposed in 2015 a broader regional framing: Greater Central Asia. He called for moving beyond the Soviet-era definition of Central Asia to include neighboring regions with shared historical, cultural, and strategic ties. He also noted a stark reality: Greater Central Asia is the only region of its kind without its own exclusive institutions—ones not directed by outsiders. That may be starting to change. A more distinct regional identity is emerging, with new frameworks for cooperation gradually taking shape. As countries in the region increasingly define their own development priorities and diversify partnerships beyond Moscow and Beijing, there is growing momentum for a more autonomous and inclusive model of regional integration. One of the clearest examples is CAMCA—an initiative that reflects the full geographic and political scope of Greater Central Asia. Over the past decade, the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute (CACI), founded by Professor Starr, has worked with the Rumsfeld Foundation to support a new generation of regional leaders through the CAMCA Fellowship Program. Originally conceived by alumni of a joint initiative between Starr and former U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld more than fifteen years ago, the CAMCA Network has become one of the few institutions uniting the entire Greater Central Asia region. Each year, the fellowship culminates in a regional forum hosted by a different CAMCA country. The most recent—held last week in Ulaanbaatar—marked the 11th such gathering and the second time the event has been hosted by CAMCA fellows in Mongolia. Originally focused on trade, CAMCA has since broadened its scope. The 2025 agenda included sessions on tourism, AI, women in business, and media, alongside its traditional focus on investment and geopolitics. Over 300 delegates attended, including many from outside the region. Yet questions remain. Can the ten diverse CAMCA countries—each with its own economic model and foreign policy—truly unite around a shared regional vision? With strong trade ties to China and Russia already delivering growth, is there sufficient political will to challenge the status quo? Many CAMCA leaders believe so. While there is clear synergy with certain U.S. foreign policy objectives, the initiative does not seek to reorient the region toward Washington. Instead, it aims to foster practical collaboration among Greater Central Asian countries themselves. Professor Starr has described the region as being "on the cusp of a dramatically different world," where declining Russian and Chinese influence could create new space for local agency. At the Ulaanbaatar forum, Laura Linderman, Director of Programs at CACI, cautioned that such an opportunity could be lost unless countries in the region act with greater purpose. She urged governments to “reject outdated Cold War divisions” and focus on “connecting emerging leaders.” One of the most revealing insights came from Sanat Kushkumbayev, a Senior Research Fellow at the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies (KazISS), who documented the overlooked history of the Central Asian Economic Union (CAEU) of the 1990s. Created and led by the Central Asian republics, the CAEU was so effective that Russia, under President Putin, asked to join. No external actors objected. Instead of joining, however, Putin dissolved the CAEU and established the EAEU—under Moscow’s leadership. Speaking at the Ulaanbaatar forum, Kushkumbayev remarked, “Leaders talk about unity, but without strong institutions, nothing will last.” His account highlights a lost moment of regional initiative and the factors that derailed it. That call for renewed agency was echoed by delegates at the forum. Dr. Fuad Karimov, an Azerbaijani fintech executive, argued that CAMCA could serve as a practical engine for regulatory alignment, cross-border fintech collaboration, and knowledge exchange. Kyrgyz investor Daniel Abdyldaev, founder of the chANGELS platform, emphasized the community-building power of the network, noting, “None of our countries can integrate into the global ecosystem by itself, so it is crucial for our region to join forces and unite.” Yet significant challenges persist. At a media roundtable, participants acknowledged the worsening state of press freedom in the region. Armenia ranks highest among CAMCA countries at 34th globally, while most of Central Asia ranks much lower, with Afghanistan at the bottom. Panelists—including Kyrgyz journalist Aigerim Turgunbaeva and Joanna Lillis of The Economist—noted that frameworks like WTO accession could pressure governments to adopt international standards. Uzbekistan, nearing WTO membership, may soon face such expectations. While regional cooperation remains the focus, global institutions still have a role to play in promoting transparency, accountability, and long-term reform. Participation in global institutions like the WTO can help Eurasian countries integrate more deeply into the world economy while encouraging regulatory reform. All CAMCA countries are WTO members except Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Azerbaijan, with Uzbekistan now in the final stages of accession. For a region often shaped by external powers, greater engagement with multilateral systems could help reinforce homegrown institutional development. As Greater Central Asia moves to reclaim its voice, the future of the region will depend on whether its leaders can turn shared vision into shared infrastructure. CAMCA is not yet a finished structure, but it is one of the first forums to be built from within. Its strength lies not in replacing existing ties, but in deepening regional confidence—and showing that cooperation on Central Asia's terms is not only possible, but long overdue.
Bans and Beliefs: Understanding Central Asia’s Most Controversial Restrictions
A recent controversy involving the Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Kazakhstan (SAMK) has reignited public debate over seemingly bizarre bans in Central Asia. SAMK was asked to comment on whether popular video games such as Counter-Strike 2, Dota 2, GTA, League of Legends, Minecraft, and Genshin Impact are permissible under Islamic law. SAMK responded that, from a Sharia perspective, all of these games are prohibited. The public interpreted this as an official ban, possibly even a fatwa, sparking a media uproar. But the reaction wasn’t unfounded: Central Asian republics often make headlines with prohibitions that, from the outside, can appear surreal. Yet, context often provides a more nuanced explanation. Turkmenistan: The Regional Champion of Bans Turkmenistan remains unmatched in its record of curious restrictions. Under its first president, Saparmurat Niyazov, the state banned smoking in cars, mobile phones, radios, stereo systems, clowns, and lip-syncing. Public smoking was also prohibited, and officials were barred from having gold teeth. Other bans targeted personal appearance. Men were forbidden from wearing long hair, beards, or mustaches, while makeup was banned for television presenters. Niyazov justified the latter by claiming it was difficult to distinguish men from women on screen and that Turkmen women’s natural “wheat-colored” complexion should be visible. Cultural life was similarly curtailed. Niyazov abolished ballet, opera, the circus, and even the national folk dance ensemble. “I don’t understand ballet. Why do I need it?” he said. “You can’t instill a love for ballet in Turkmen people if it’s not in their blood”. His successor, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, retained many of these restrictions, particularly the sweeping limitations on internet access. According to Turkmen.news, as of 2023, approximately 75% of global IP addresses were blocked in Turkmenistan. The list of banned platforms includes Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, Telegram, YouTube, WhatsApp, and X (formerly Twitter). Cloud services such as Google Cloud, Microsoft Azure, and Dropbox are also blocked, along with most public DNS servers and online games such as Minecraft, Dota 2, and League of Legends. Dushanbe Follows Suit Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan are not alone in targeting video games. In 2024, the Interior Ministry in Tajikistan’s capital, Dushanbe, banned the distribution of games and video clips deemed violent or immoral. Authorities argued that such content negatively influenced youth behavior and contributed to crime. Games like Counter-Strike and GTA were explicitly named. Tajikistan has also imposed a range of non-digital bans. In 2018, the Committee for Architecture and Construction ordered that rooftops follow a citywide color scheme: green on one side of the river, burgundy on the other. The directive was short-lived. That same year, the mayor banned wearing house clothes, galoshes, and slippers in public, citing the need to uphold the capital’s dignity. The city also outlawed drying laundry on balconies to preserve the urban aesthetic. While these rules may seem odd, they reflect the ongoing transformation of societies that, until recently, were largely agrarian. Urbanization has brought with it an effort to instill new norms and behaviors. Sorcery, Beards, and Dress Codes This same logic applies to the Tajik government’s ongoing crackdown against sorcerers and fortune-tellers. In November 2024, President Emomali Rahmon reported that more than 1,500 people had been detained as part of a campaign against superstition, which authorities see as a breeding ground for religious extremism. Fears of Islamic radicalism have prompted similar policies across Central Asia. Face-concealing garments such as niqabs are banned in Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan. In Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, men with long beards can be fined or forcibly shaved. In Kyrgyzstan, both the public and the Spiritual Directorate of Muslims support legislative measures to curb extravagant spending on weddings and funerals. Unpacking the Logic Behind Central Asia's Unconventional Prohibitions Whilst it can sometimes appear like elementary populism, many of these policies are shaped by efforts to assert national identity, maintain social cohesion, or address unique local challenges, such as resource management or urban planning. Additionally, regulatory decisions can be highly centralized, amplifying the appearance of arbitrary rule. Therefore, while these measures might seem surreal to outsiders, they often reflect attempts to balance tradition, modernization, and governance in a rapidly changing region. One example of a seemingly surreal prohibition in Central Asia is the ban on black cars in Turkmenistan. Introduced in 2018, this policy was widely mocked outside the country as arbitrary and unfounded. However, the context reveals a more complex story. Turkmenistan's leadership has often prioritized aesthetics and symbolic representation in public policy. President Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov is known for his preference for white, a color traditionally associated with purity and good fortune in Turkmen culture. This preference has influenced both urban planning and national aesthetics, leading to a preference for white or brightly-colored vehicles. While such a ban may appear irrational to outsiders, it reflects the regime's broader emphasis on uniformity, symbolic gestures, and the projection of cultural values in public life. Also, in practical terms, in the scorching sun, a black car heats up faster. A Misunderstood Fatwa Back in Kazakhstan, the gaming controversy involving SAMK turned out to be a misunderstanding. The body merely offered a theological opinion, not an official prohibition. But in a region where restrictions can and do cover everything from internet access to facial hair, the confusion was perhaps inevitable.
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