Pannier and Hillard’s Spotlight on Central Asia: New Episode Available Now
As Managing Editor of The Times of Central Asia, I’m delighted that, in partnership with the Oxus Society for Central Asian Affairs, from October 19, we are the home of the Spotlight on Central Asia podcast. Chaired by seasoned broadcasters Bruce Pannier of RFE/RL’s long-running Majlis podcast and Michael Hillard of The Red Line, each fortnightly instalment will take you on a deep dive into the latest news, developments, security issues, and social trends across an increasingly pivotal region. This week, the team is taking a deep dive into the worsening situation for Central Asian migrant laborers in Russia, as seen in the recent raid in Khabarovsk, where one Uzbek citizen was beaten to death, and another was left in a coma. Our guest is Tolkun Umaraliev, the regional director for RFERL's Central Asian service and previously the head of RFERL's Migrant Media project.
Kyrgyz Official Concerned Over “High Barriers” in U.S. Visa Bond Policy
Kyrgyzstan should review its visa-free system for American citizens after the United States expanded its visa bond policy to include the Central Asian country, according to a senior Kyrgyz official who said there should be “mutual respect.” The suggestion that there should be some reciprocity following the U.S. measure came from Edil Baisalov, deputy chairman of Kyrgyzstan´s Cabinet of Ministers and a prominent ally of President Sadyr Japarov. Currently, U.S. travelers to Kyrgyzstan can stay for up to 30 days without obtaining a visa. “I believe that we should initiate a review of our visa-free regime for U.S. citizens following the new visa requirements announced yesterday by the State Department, under which Kyrgyz citizens are required to pay a visa deposit of up to $15,000 when submitting visa applications,” Baisalov said on X on Thursday. “Visa policy is a matter of parity and mutual respect. If such high barriers are introduced for our citizens, we cannot pretend that nothing has happened.” However, he did not offer any analysis about what, if any, changes should be made to the visa-free system for U.S. visitors. Any visa dispute with the far more powerful United States could be risky for Kyrgyzstan, which has meanwhile joined with other Central Asian countries in trying to develop closer ties to the administration of U.S. President Donald Trump. Nationals from 38 countries, including Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan, are subject to visa bonds under the U.S. State Department policy, which is part of a wider crackdown on immigration. The policy took effect for citizens from Turkmenistan on January 1 and will be implemented for nationals from Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan starting on January 21. “Any citizen or national traveling on a passport issued by one of these countries, who is found otherwise eligible for a B1/B2 visa, must post a bond for $5,000, $10,000, or $15,000. The amount is determined at the time of the visa interview,” the State Department said. B-1 (business) and B-2 (tourism) refer to non-immigrant visas for people who want to stay temporarily in the U.S. Visa holders who have posted bond are also required to enter the United States via designated international airports, including seven in the U.S. and two in Canada. The U.S. visa bond policy is a setback for Kyrgyzstan, which had previously appealed to the United States to relax its visa requirements. Kyrgyz Foreign Minister Zheenbek Kulubaev raised the issue during a meeting with U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau on the sidelines of the U.N. General Assembly in New York in September.
Japarov Credits Mirziyoyev’s in Resolving Kyrgyzstan-Tajikistan Border Dispute
Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov has detailed how the long-standing border conflict with Tajikistan was resolved, citing direct diplomacy, enhanced military capabilities, and crucial regional mediation. His remarks came during the second part of the documentary President, aired on Kyrgyzstan’s Region TV. Japarov recounted that after the deadly clashes along the Kyrgyz, Tajik border in April 2021, he opted to visit Dushanbe for direct talks with Tajik President Emomali Rahmon, despite opposition from some members of his inner circle, including State Committee for National Security Chairman Kamchybek Tashiyev. The negotiations, which lasted ten hours, ended without immediate results. “We talked for many hours, but at that time we could not reach an agreement,” Japarov recalled in the film. The 2021 conflict, triggered by disputes over infrastructure near the Kyrgyz village of Kok-Tash, exposed significant weaknesses in Kyrgyzstan’s defense capacity. The two-day confrontation involved heavy weaponry, including mortars, armored vehicles, and helicopter gunships. Official figures reported 54 fatalities, hundreds of injuries, and mass civilian displacement. Japarov said the violence spurred a modernization of the Kyrgyz military. The country began acquiring advanced equipment, including Turkish-made Bayraktar Akıncı and Aksungur drones. By the time renewed clashes broke out in September 2022, the president claimed that the balance of power had shifted. “By then, the forces were already equal, and we had begun to gain air superiority,” he said. Despite these developments, Japarov stressed that diplomacy ultimately brought resolution, and credited Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev with playing a pivotal role. “At summits, I told Rahmon, ‘Let’s sit down and talk.’ At first he refused. The second time, he agreed,” Japarov stated. “I must say that the role of Uzbekistan’s President Shavkat Mirziyoyev was very significant. He persuaded us not to miss the moment and to reach an agreement. That’s how we sat down and resolved the border issue.” Kyrgyz Foreign Minister Jeenbek Kulubaev supported this view, describing Mirziyoyev as a regional leader who consistently urged neighbors to resolve disputes peacefully. He noted that Mirziyoyev had warned unresolved conflicts risk deterring both investors and tourists, who often see Central Asia as a single, interconnected region. Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan officially signed a border delimitation agreement on March 13 of last year, following a preliminary signing on March 31 in Khujand during a trilateral meeting involving the leaders of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan.
Orthodox Christmas in Central Asia Highlights Faith, Tradition, and Tolerance
On January 7, Orthodox Christians in Central Asia and around the world celebrate Christmas. In the region, the holiday has become a symbol of religious and ethnic tolerance. Christmas is one of the most significant holidays for believers and is also cherished by many who are not religious. It is celebrated by billions globally. However, the majority of Orthodox Christians and Catholics do not observe Christmas on the same day.
While Christmas falls on January 7 for millions of Orthodox Christians in Central Asia, the holiday is marked not only by church services but also by official recognition, public celebrations, and interfaith messages—underscoring the region’s emphasis on religious coexistence.
In the early centuries of the Christian era, the Julian calendar was used universally, but, over time, astronomers found that the Julian calendar miscalculated the solar year’s length. As a result, it was replaced by the more accurate Gregorian calendar, which is now followed in most of the secular world. However, many Orthodox churches did not adopt the Gregorian reform. Consequently, many Orthodox Christians celebrate Christmas not on December 25, but 13 days later, on January 7.
Some interpreters of church law argue that the Julian calendar is sanctified by centuries of tradition. The Russian Orthodox Church, in particular, maintains that transitioning to the Gregorian calendar would violate canonical norms.
A Bright Holiday in Kazakhstan
In Kazakhstan, the Ascension Cathedral in Almaty is filled with worshippers on Christmas Eve. The cathedral is a spiritual, historical, and cultural landmark of the country.
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The Zenkov (Ascension) Cathedral, Almaty; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption]
This year, Metropolitan Alexander, head of the Orthodox Church in Kazakhstan, conducted the divine liturgy at the cathedral, urging people to mark the holiday through acts of kindness.
“It would be wrong to celebrate Christmas if we do not share this joy with our neighbors, especially those in need of comfort and support. Let us strive to make this festive season truly bright and solemn for all of us, through good deeds, words of comfort and encouragement, compassion, and mercy. Let us extend a helping hand to those who mourn, encourage those who are discouraged, visit those who are sick, and remember those who are lonely,” said Metropolitan Alexander of Astana and Kazakhstan.
In Astana, Bishop Gennady of Kaskelen, administrator of the Metropolitan District, offered Christmas greetings and led a service at Uspensky Cathedral. Orthodox Christmas is a public holiday in Kazakhstan. Representatives of various faiths have emphasized that the day symbolizes peaceful coexistence among people of different nationalities and religions.
Christmas Carols and Religious Freedom
In Uzbekistan, Metropolitan Vikenty of Tashkent and Uzbekistan, head of the Central Asian Metropolitan District, led the Divine Liturgy at the Cathedral of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Tashkent. The Orthodox community in Uzbekistan is estimated to number between 600,000 and a million. Religious observers note that the public celebration of Orthodox Christmas across Central Asia increasingly reflects a broader emphasis on social stability, interfaith dialogue, and state support for religious expression.
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Cathedral of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Tashkent[/caption]
For believers, the ability to freely celebrate Christmas is seen as a sign of social stability. In February 2025, Uzbekistan adopted a new policy framework for ensuring freedom of conscience and guiding state policy in the religious sphere. The Bible Society of Uzbekistan welcomed the initiative, describing it as vital for fostering interfaith dialogue and upholding the principles of a secular state.
In Kyrgyzstan, a festive service was held at the Holy Resurrection Cathedral and the Church of St. Vladimir, Equal to the Apostles, in Bishkek.
Throughout Central Asia, Orthodox Christmas is traditionally celebrated with a festive meal. At the center of the holiday table is kutya (or sochivo), a dish made from wheat grains, nuts, honey, dried fruit, and poppy seeds. It symbolizes prosperity, family unity, and eternal life.
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Kutya[/caption]
Like Catholic and Protestant Christmas, Orthodox Christmas is viewed as a time of miracles. Christmas trees remain decorated in homes after New Year’s, and the celebratory mood continues. On Christmas Eve, Orthodox Christians often go caroling. After the church service, young people dress in costumes and visit neighbors, singing songs that offer wishes of health and happiness. Hosts typically offer them food and drink. Today, this custom is often performed theatrically and can even be seen in public places such as supermarkets.
Many folk beliefs and superstitions are also tied to the holiday. For example, families observe who first crosses the threshold of the home on the morning of January 7. If it is a man, the household is believed to be blessed with good luck and prosperity for the year. Christmas also typically marks the onset of a cold snap in Central Asia, which continues until the holiday of Epiphany.
Observed across borders and traditions, Orthodox Christmas in Central Asia blends faith, folklore, and public life, serving both as a sacred celebration and a reflection of the region’s diverse religious fabric.
Beshbarmak, Pilaf, and Olivier Salad: What Will Be Served on New Year’s Eve Tables in Central Asia
New Year remains one of the most significant holidays in Central Asia. While its scale and prominence have gradually declined due to rising religiosity, many residents still regard it as the foremost secular and ideology-free celebration of the year. Across the region, households prepare their most beloved dishes to ring in the occasion. No New Year Without Olivier Salad For many families, traditional fare is an essential part of New Year’s Eve. Olivier salad has long been a staple of the holiday table. Originally created in the 1860s by a French chef in Russia, the dish once featured ingredients such as hazel grouse and seafood. Over time, particularly during the Soviet era of shortages, the recipe evolved. Today, Olivier salad typically includes beef, chicken (or boiled sausage), potatoes, green peas, pickled cucumbers, and mayonnaise. It is usually prepared in large batches to ensure there is enough for all guests. Other popular salads include herring under a fur coat, vinaigrette, and “Tenderness”, hearty dishes that can leave guests too full for main courses. Even in modest households, red caviar often finds its way to the table, adding a touch of festivity and indulgence. Kazakhstan: Beshbarmak with a Twist In Kazakhstan, beshbarmak remains the centerpiece of the New Year’s feast, as it is for most major celebrations. Traditionally, the dish combines three cuts of horse meat, kazy, karta, and zhay, served with flat noodles and onions. However, some families are adapting their menus in line with the Chinese zodiac. As the Year of the Red Horse approaches, online advice has suggested avoiding horse meat out of respect for the symbolic animal. A vegan version of beshbarmak, featuring mushrooms and pumpkin, is gaining traction. Baked koktal fish is another showpiece dish, while kuydak (lamb with potatoes and onions) and khan syrbaz (a rich stew of lamb, vegetables, barley, and broth) are popular additions. Desserts often include traditional fermented milk products such as zhent, katyk, and irimshik, and the table is rarely without kumys, a fermented mare’s milk beverage. Uzbekistan: Pilaf Reigns Supreme In Uzbekistan, New Year is celebrated with great enthusiasm. According to folklore, Korbobo, a local version of Santa Claus, arrives on a donkey with his granddaughter Korgyz to distribute gifts to well-behaved children. Pilaf, or plov, is the dominant holiday dish. Made with rice, carrots, onions, meat, and spices, regional variations might include raisins or quince for added sweetness. Each area boasts its own version of the national favorite. Samsas, meat-filled pastries baked in a tandoor, are also served, as are manti, large, steamed dumplings filled with lamb, beef, or pumpkin. Other popular dishes include kazan-kabob (fried meat and potatoes). For dessert, chak-chak (fried dough with honey) and halva (made from sesame, semolina, or nuts) are perennial favorites. Kyrgyzstan: Boorsoki and Beshbarmak In Kyrgyzstan, beshbarmak, prepared with either horse meat or lamb, is also a central dish. Families commonly serve manti, baked chicken, and boorsoki (known in Kazakhstan as baursaki), fried dough balls that are a holiday staple. Other meat-based specialties such as kabyrga (lamb rolls), asip (lamb sausages), chuchuk (horse meat sausages), and offal dishes like karta and karyn are also featured. Preparations often take place communally, with Soviet-era films playing in the background. In Tajikistan, pilaf, referred to in its festive form as Oshi Milli, is also the dish of choice. While Olivier salad, herring under a fur coat, and holodets (jellied meat) remain popular, appetizers are often led by Shakarob, a fresh salad of greens, tomatoes, and cucumbers. Turkmenistan also upholds culinary traditions, with Olivier salad offering a cultural link to its Soviet past. Pilaf dominates the table, prepared with meat, rice, vegetable oil, onions, and carrots. Elengi rice, prized for its size and juiciness, is typically used for festive meals. In many households, the New Year’s table is set directly on the carpet, on a large tablecloth, around which families gather. As in years past, children write letters to Santa Claus with their holiday wishes.
Japarov Outlines Development Priorities at Fourth People’s Kurultai
Kyrgyzstan’s fourth People’s Kurultai, a national forum for direct dialogue between citizens and state leadership, was held in Bishkek on December 25-26. Addressing delegates, President Sadyr Japarov outlined the government's economic, social, and environmental priorities for the coming years. Sustained Economic Growth Japarov described the past three years as a period of strong economic performance, with average annual GDP growth of 9.8%. Real GDP grew by 10.2% in the first 11 months of 2025. GDP per capita in 2024 reached approximately $2,513. Unemployment dropped to 3.7%, while the poverty rate declined from 29.8% to 25.7% year-on-year. Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) have emerged as the backbone of the economy, with their contribution to GDP rising from 42.6% to 51.7% during the first nine months of 2025. National Development Program Through 2030 Japarov presented the government’s National Development Program through 2030, which is centered on four key pillars: industrialization, transformation into a regional transport and logistics hub, agricultural and tourism development, and expansion of green energy. The industrialization strategy includes the creation of industrial and technology zones and the construction of new production facilities to double industrial output by 2030. Large-scale investments in railways, highways, logistics centers, and warehouses are expected to bolster Kyrgyzstan’s role as a regional transit corridor. Tourism is also a major focus. Japarov emphasized efforts to modernize the sector in line with international standards, citing the construction of new hotels, roads, airports, tourist routes, and recreational infrastructure. By 2030, the tourism sector is projected to contribute 7% to GDP. Agricultural Development and Food Security With nearly 58% of the population living in rural areas, agriculture remains a strategic priority. Japarov stated that Kyrgyzstan is currently self-sufficient in six of nine key food products, milk, potatoes, vegetables, meat, eggs, and sugar. Agricultural reform centers on the development of agro-industrial clusters that bring together farmers, processors, logistics providers, and financial institutions to create integrated value chains. The goal is to shift from raw-material exports toward higher-value-added production. Climate Change and Water Resources Japarov also warned of worsening climate-related challenges, particularly declining water resources. Over the past 70 years, Kyrgyzstan has lost around 16% of its glacier area, endangering river flows, irrigation systems, and hydropower production. Lake Issyk-Kul is of particular concern. Since the mid-19th century, the lake’s water level has dropped by nearly 14 meters. The number of rivers feeding into the lake has declined from more than 100 to approximately 30-35. The president cautioned that continued degradation could have serious environmental and socioeconomic consequences. Water scarcity, he noted, also threatens food security, with 95% of national water consumption tied to agriculture. He called for more efficient irrigation, glacier protection, and expanded reforestation efforts. From Social Spending to Development Focus Japarov’s remarks were echoed by Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers Adylbek Kasymaliev, who addressed parliament a day earlier. Kasymaliev stated that the state has shifted from a “social economy” to a “development economy.” In 2025, 35% of government spending was allocated to the production sector, compared to 23% for social expenditures. According to the cabinet, 102 new enterprises were launched in 2024, attracting investments totaling $796.8 million and creating more than 8,300 jobs. In 2025, a further 119 enterprises opened, backed by $715.6 million in investment and generating over 8,400 jobs. Taken together, the speeches offered a vision of a government aiming to convert rapid economic growth into long-term structural transformation, while confronting enduring challenges in rural development, food security, and climate resilience.
2025: The Year Central Asia Stepped Onto the Global Stage
For much of the post-Soviet era, Central Asia occupied a peripheral place in global affairs. It mattered to its immediate neighbors, but rarely shaped wider debates. In 2025, that changed in visible ways. The region became harder to ignore, largely not because of ideology or alignments, but because of assets that the world increasingly needs: energy, minerals, transit routes, and political access across Eurasia. One of the clearest signs came in April, when the European Union and the leaders of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan met in Samarkand for their first summit at the head-of-state level. The meeting concluded with a joint declaration upgrading relations to a strategic partnership, with a focus on transport connectivity, energy security, and critical raw materials. The document marked a shift in how Brussels views Central Asia, moving beyond development assistance toward geopolitical cooperation, as outlined in the official EU–Central Asia summit joint declaration. European interest is rooted in necessity. Russia’s war in Ukraine has forced EU governments to rethink energy imports, supply chains, and overland trade routes. Central Asia sits astride the most viable alternatives that bypass Russian territory. It also holds resources essential to Europe’s green transition, including uranium and a range of industrial metals. The region’s leaders spent much of the year framing their diplomacy around these tangible advantages, rather than abstract political alignments. The United States followed a similar track. Through the C5+1 format, Washington deepened engagement with all five Central Asian states, with particular emphasis on economic cooperation and supply-chain resilience. A key element has been the Critical Minerals Dialogue, launched to connect Central Asian producers with Western markets. This initiative formed part of a broader U.S. effort to diversify access to strategic materials and reduce dependence on Russia and China. Russia remained a central but changing presence in Central Asia throughout 2025. Economic ties, labor migration, and shared infrastructure ensured that Moscow continued to matter across the region. At the same time, however, Russia’s war in Ukraine constrained its ability to act as the dominant external power it once was. Central Asian governments maintained pragmatic relations with Moscow, but they increasingly treated Russia as one partner among several rather than the default reference point. Trade continued, security cooperation persisted, and political dialogue remained active, yet the balance shifted toward hedging rather than dependence. Uranium sits at the center of this shift, with the United States having banned imports of certain Russian uranium products under federal law, with waivers set to expire no earlier than January 1, 2028. As Washington restructures its nuclear fuel supply chain, Central Asia’s role has grown sharply. According to the U.S. Energy Information Administration’s 2024 Uranium Marketing Annual Report, Kazakhstan supplied 24% of uranium delivered to U.S. reactor operators, while Uzbekistan accounted for about 9%. Canada and Australia remain major suppliers, but the Central Asian share is now strategic rather than marginal. That economic weight translated into political visibility. In December, U.S. President Donald Trump said he would invite Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan to attend the U.S.-hosted G20 summit in 2026. While guest invitations do not confer membership, they offer access to senior leaders and investors at a critical moment in global supply-chain restructuring. This move is part of a broader U.S. effort to expand engagement with Central Asia. The region’s growing global presence was also reflected beyond diplomacy, from Uzbekistan’s qualification for the 2026 football World Cup to increased international media attention on Central Asian economies, reform agendas, societies, and infrastructure projects. Investment trends reinforced the political signals. The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development reported record investment in Central Asia – including Mongolia - committing nearly €2.26 billion across 121 projects, with Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan receiving the largest shares. The EBRD described the surge as driven by infrastructure, energy, and private-sector development. Mongolia’s growing inclusion reflects a wider regional pull, with Ulaanbaatar stepping up engagement with its Central Asian neighbors through trade, transport cooperation, and multilateral investment initiatives. Energy security was not limited to nuclear fuel. Hydropower returned to the regional agenda in 2025, especially in discussions around Kyrgyzstan’s long-delayed Kambarata-1 project. The dam, with a planned capacity of 1,860 megawatts, is seen as critical for stabilizing electricity supply across parts of Central Asia. It was reported that the EBRD could consider lending up to $1.5 billion for the project, underscoring how regional infrastructure is now tied to international financing and diplomacy. Regional cooperation among the five Central Asian states also deepened, with leaders increasingly coordinating on water management, energy sharing, and cross-border transport rather than addressing these issues in isolation. Security concerns also shaped the year. Violence along the Tajikistan-Afghanistan border, including attacks near sites employing Chinese nationals, exposed the region’s vulnerability to instability spilling over from Afghanistan. The incidents prompted warnings from Beijing and renewed scrutiny of border security in Central Asia. The Times of Central Asia has reported on the situation as part of a wider examination of how insecurity affects foreign investment and regional stability. China’s role in Central Asia stayed substantial and highly visible. Beijing remained the region’s largest single trading partner and a key investor in infrastructure, mining, and energy projects. In 2025, however, Chinese engagement also faced sharper scrutiny, with the risks that accompany China’s deep economic footprint increasingly highlighted. For Central Asian governments, the challenge was to preserve Chinese investment while asserting greater control over security and diversification. The result was not a retreat from China, but a more cautious and negotiated engagement. Despite these risks, Central Asian governments resisted pressure to align exclusively with any single power. Instead, they pursued a strategy of increasing diversification. The EU, the United States, China, and Russia all remained engaged, but none dominated the region’s external agenda. Ties with Azerbaijan also deepened in 2025, driven by shared interests in transport, energy, and westward connectivity. Baku emerged as a key partner in linking Central Asia to the South Caucasus and onward to European markets, particularly through Caspian transit routes. This cooperation increasingly took shape within the C6+1 framework, which brings Azerbaijan together with the five Central Asian states to coordinate infrastructure planning, trade facilitation, and regional connectivity. This underscored a growing recognition that Central Asia’s global role depends not only on internal links, but on reliable Western gateways. Turkmenistan, traditionally cautious in its diplomacy, also expanded engagement around energy exports and transport links across the Caspian, reinforcing its role in regional connectivity. Japan played a quieter but increasingly consistent role in Central Asia in 2025. Tokyo focused on economic cooperation, infrastructure financing, and technical assistance, often emphasizing transparency and long-term sustainability. Japanese engagement carried less geopolitical weight than that of larger powers, but it offered Central Asian states another option for diversification. Japan’s steady presence reinforced the region’s ability to widen its external partnerships without triggering strategic friction. This approach gave Central Asian states greater leverage and reduced their exposure to shifts in any one relationship. Whilst 2025 may not have been a decisive turning point, it was a clear step. The region did not suddenly acquire global influence, but it increasingly demonstrated why it matters on a global stage. Strategic documents, investment flows, and energy data all point to the same conclusion: Central Asia entered the year as a subject of geopolitical discussion, and ended it as a participant. Whether that momentum continues will depend on execution. Summits must continue to turn into contracts, and contracts into infrastructure and industry. For now, the direction is unmistakable. In 2025, Central Asia stepped onto the global stage not by seeking attention, but by offering what the world increasingly needs.
Japarov Signs Decree Stripping Ex-Leader Atambayev of State Honors
Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov has signed a decree revoking state awards previously granted to former President Almazbek Atambayev, including the title Hero of the Kyrgyz Republic, the Order of Manas (Second Class), the Order of Danaker, and the Dank medal. The order follows a decision by Bishkek’s Pervomaisky District Court, and authorities have been instructed to confiscate the medals and transfer them to the state awards fund, according to reports citing the presidential press service. Atambayev, who led Kyrgyzstan from 2011 to 2017, has been at the center of long-running criminal and political disputes since leaving office. His fallout with successor, Sooronbay Jeenbekov, culminated in the 2019 Koi-Tash confrontation, when security forces tried to detain him at his residence outside Bishkek, and the clashes left a security officer dead. That episode became part of later court proceedings and deepened the elite polarization in Kyrgyz politics. The immediate legal basis for stripping the awards is tied to a 2025 court verdict. In June, the Pervomaisky District Court sentenced Atambayev in absentia to more than eleven years in prison on charges of corruption and participating in mass unrest, along with confiscation of property and deprivation of state awards. Atambayev has remained abroad since he left Kyrgyzstan for medical treatment, and did not return for the trial proceedings. The latest decision formalizes the court-ordered loss of honors and triggers the administrative step of retrieving medals and certificates, but it does not add a new criminal penalty beyond the existing sentence. The move is also political. State awards carry symbolic weight in Kyrgyzstan, and revocation is rare for former heads of state. By linking the decision explicitly to a court verdict, Japarov’s administration is framing it as enforcement rather than a discretionary act. For Atambayev’s supporters, it is likely to be read as another escalation in a feud that has shaped Kyrgyz politics for years.
Sunkar Podcast
Central Asia and the Troubled Southern Route
