Rubio to Lead Major U.S. Business Delegation to Uzbekistan for C5+1 Talks

U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio will lead a delegation including executives from more than 100 American companies to Uzbekistan in October. The visit will bring a substantial business contingent to talks with Central Asia’s foreign ministers in Samarkand. Sergio Gor, the U.S. special envoy for South and Central Asia, announced the visit in a statement published by the U.S. Embassy in India. Gor said the talks would focus on “deepening regional economic connectivity, enhancing energy security,” alongside cooperation on shared regional priorities. The delegation is expected in mid-October, alongside a C5+1 ministerial meeting. The C5+1 format brings together the United States and Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Bringing executives from more than 100 companies gives Rubio’s visit a substantial commercial component. The delegation’s composition should indicate which sectors Washington is ready to back following last year’s C5+1 agreements. In November 2025, Rubio announced his intention to visit all five Central Asian countries in 2026. Speaking ahead of the Washington C5+1 summit, he suggested such a tour could take a week. The Samarkand announcement gives a destination and timeframe for his regional engagement, although it does not establish an itinerary covering all five states. President Donald Trump hosted the five Central Asian presidents in Washington on November 6, 2025. Commercial agreements featured prominently in the summit, reflecting a greater focus on investment within the C5+1 framework. The U.S. Commerce Department said the “Deal Zone” business event held alongside the November 2025 C5+1 summit featured more than $25 billion in announced commercial deals. Air Astana’s agreement covered up to 15 Boeing 787-9 aircraft, comprising five firm orders, five options, and five purchase rights. Tajikistan’s Somon Air announced plans to acquire up to four Dreamliners and ten 737 MAX jets. Uzbekistan Airways finalized an order for eight additional Boeing 787-9 aircraft during the summit. Boeing said the purchase brought the airline’s total order to 22 Dreamliners, converting options from an earlier agreement into firm orders. In mining, Cove Capital and Kazakhstan’s Tau-Ken Samruk agreed to develop the Severny Katpar and Verkhne Kairakty tungsten deposits. The projected $1.1 billion investment includes two processing plants and a metallurgical facility. Kazakhstan’s technology announcements included a memorandum for $2 billion in advanced AI-chip procurement, involving NVIDIA, Freedom Holding, and the country’s digital ministry. Critical minerals cooperation has also advanced since the Washington summit. During a February 4 visit to the U.S. capital, Uzbek Foreign Minister Bakhtiyor Saidov attended a ministerial meeting devoted to the sector and held talks with Rubio. Saidov and U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau signed a memorandum on mineral supplies, covering the mining and processing of critical minerals and rare earths. Uzbekistan’s Foreign Ministry said the country was seeking foreign technology and investment to develop the industry, with an emphasis on value-added production. For Tashkent, the unresolved question is how much mineral processing American investors will finance inside Uzbekistan. October’s talks could clarify whether February’s memorandum will lead to domestic processing facilities, allowing the country to retain more of the value of its mineral exports.

Pannier and Hillard’s Spotlight on Central Asia: New Episode Coming Sunday

As Managing Editor of The Times of Central Asia, I’m delighted that, in partnership with the Oxus Society for Central Asian Affairs, we are the home of the Spotlight on Central Asia podcast. Chaired by seasoned broadcasters Bruce Pannier of RFE/RL’s long-running Majlis podcast and Michael Hillard of The Red Line, each fortnightly instalment will take you on a deep dive into the latest news, developments, security issues, and social trends across an increasingly pivotal region. This week, the team will be covering Turkmenistan's changing foreign policy and the preservation of stability at home. Special guest: Luca Anceschi, Professor of Eurasian Studies at the University of Glasgow and the author of several books on Central Asian politics and foreign policy.

At the UN, Mirziyoyeva Champions “Human Dignity” as Central Asia Seeks a Greater Voice

Uzbekistan called for a more effective United Nations and sought support for its Security Council candidacy during the General Assembly’s September 23 debate. Delivering the national address, presidential administration chief Saida Mirziyoyeva urged countries to work together despite deepening international divisions. “Our choice is human dignity,” said Mirziyoyeva. “Openness does not mean weakness.” Speaking in Uzbek at the Assembly’s 81st session in New York, she argued that a country’s strength should be judged by its ability to protect people’s rights and interests. The message offered a basis for cooperation beyond competing geopolitical camps, with particular emphasis on young people’s opportunities to study and shape their futures. [caption id="attachment_56825" align="aligncenter" width="1774"] Image: Saida Mirziyoyeva/Telegram[/caption] A Larger Role at the UN Mirziyoyeva sought support for Uzbekistan’s candidacy for a nonpermanent Security Council seat in 2035–2036. She also highlighted the country’s forthcoming chairmanship of the Non-Aligned Movement in 2027, presenting it as an opportunity to widen dialogue during a period of international tension. She backed the secretary-general’s UN80 reform initiative and an expanded Security Council, arguing that the organization needed greater capacity to prevent conflict and implement its decisions. Her appeal was for international rules that apply consistently, rather than changing with the interests of powerful states. That concern also ran through Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov’s address, although he focused on unilateral sanctions and their impact on developing countries. The two speeches approached the issue differently, but both sought stronger multilateral protections for states with limited influence over the restrictions and conflicts affecting them. Kyrgyzstan has already secured its first Security Council seat for 2027–2028, giving Bishkek a vote on the sanctions and security decisions Japarov criticized. Afghanistan and Regional Cooperation Mirziyoyeva pointed to improving relations among neighboring Central Asian states as evidence that political will can help resolve longstanding disputes. She said disagreements over borders and water had increasingly given way to cooperation, with countries coming to see one another as partners. She applied the same argument to Afghanistan, warning against treating the country solely as a source of danger or abandoning its people to their difficulties. Her emphasis was on giving Afghans the prospect of peaceful development. Kazakhstan’s UN agenda also extends to Afghanistan through the regional Sustainable Development Goals center in Almaty, established to serve Central Asia and Afghanistan. Alongside its longstanding nuclear disarmament priorities, Kazakhstan is promoting cooperation on water security and has proposed an international water organization within the UN system. Measuring Progress in People’s Lives Mirziyoyeva linked her foreign policy message to Uzbekistan’s domestic reforms, citing economic growth and wider access to education. She said the economy had expanded from $50 billion to $147 billion over a decade and that poverty had fallen to 4%, presenting the figures as evidence of improvements in living standards. “The true value of reforms is reflected in people’s lives. Especially in children’s lives,” she said. She outlined forthcoming discussions with the UN Population Fund on demographic stability and human capital, and an international gathering in Samarkand in October focused on children’s well-being. She also cited stronger penalties for domestic violence and support for women’s entrepreneurship as elements of the government’s reform program. Her account of technological change followed the same theme. She called for artificial intelligence to be developed with safeguards for human rights and accountability, placing improvements to people’s lives at the center of its use. Water, Climate and Access to Markets The Aral Sea provided the speech’s clearest warning about the consequences of policy failure. Mirziyoyeva described its destruction as the result of decades of damaging decisions and pointed to planting on the dried seabed and water-saving technologies as part of Uzbekistan’s response. She reiterated the goal of raising renewables’ share of electricity generation to 54% by 2030. Water diplomacy remains a wider regional priority. Tajikistan is preparing to host the 2028 UN Water Conference in Dushanbe, while Japarov has proposed a UN-backed fund to preserve Issyk-Kul, with a promised $10 million Kyrgyz contribution. Turkmenistan, meanwhile, has been elected to chair the Group of Landlocked Developing Countries for 2027–2028. The bureau’s composition was scheduled for endorsement at a September 24 ministerial meeting in New York. Its priorities include transport and energy connectivity, issues that bear directly on Central Asia’s ability to reach overseas markets. Mirziyoyeva’s appeal reflected a concern shared across Central Asia: countries exposed to conflicts beyond their borders want a greater say in how those conflicts are addressed. Winning a Security Council seat would give Tashkent a direct role in those decisions.

Kyrgyzstan Inflation Hits 12% as Government Plans Food and Fuel Measures

Kyrgyzstan plans to curb rising prices by importing livestock and grain, subsidizing fuel, and increasing domestic food production. The draft plan for 2026-2027 comes after annual inflation reached 12% in August, alongside double-digit economic growth.

The Ministry of Economy and Commerce published details of the draft plan on September 21. In 2027, the government aims to keep inflation within 7.7-8.5%. Without additional measures, the ministry estimates that inflation could reach 8.7-9.5% in 2027 because of global prices, external shocks, and supply disruptions.

Annual inflation had already reached 11.5% in July, up from 11% a month earlier, before rising to 12% in August, according to the National Statistical Committee. The medium-term target of the National Bank of the Kyrgyz Republic, the country’s central bank, is 5-7%.

Much of the plan focuses on food. The state-owned Kyrgyz Agroholding is expected to import at least 20,000 head of cattle from Kazakhstan, Belarus, and Russia, adding at least 2,700 tons of meat to the domestic market. After prices rose in 2025, the authorities imposed limits on the cost of certain types of meat and temporarily banned livestock exports.

The draft calls for the construction of four large poultry complexes and 200 livestock facilities with a combined capacity for 10,000 animals. Kyrgyz Agroholding is expected to open 100 direct-sales outlets for meat and agricultural products. The area planted with corn and oilseed crops would be expanded, while 11 trade and logistics centers would be built to store agricultural produce.

The draft also calls for flour mills to import 700,000 tons of wheat from Russia and Kazakhstan. The ministry says the imports are intended to ensure that domestic wheat demand is fully covered.

The government is also subsidizing fuel. Kyrgyzstan remains heavily dependent on imported petroleum products, with Russia supplying more than 90% of its imported gasoline, meaning higher import costs quickly feed into transportation, food, and service prices. The state compensates importers for part of the difference between purchase costs and regulated retail prices. The subsidies have been extended through December 31, 2026.

In Bishkek and the Chuy region, agreed maximum retail prices are 87.9 soms per liter for AI-92 gasoline, about $1; 99.9 soms for diesel; and 48.8 soms for liquefied petroleum gas. Prices are capped at slightly higher levels elsewhere in the country. Without compensation, AI-92 would cost an estimated 111-118 soms per liter and diesel 125-137 soms. A one-year moratorium on increases in a number of regulated tariffs and payments for the population has also been in effect since July 24.

High inflation persists alongside rapid economic growth. First Deputy Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers Daniyar Amangeldiev said GDP had grown by an average of 10.2% annually over the past four years. GDP per capita increased from $1,230 in 2020 to $3,080 in 2025, while the economy grew by another 11% in the first eight months of 2026.

In 2025, 1.779 million people, or 24% of the population, remained below the national poverty line, down from 25.7% a year earlier. On September 16, lawmaker Dastan Bekeshev urged the government to take these figures into account when assessing economic growth.

“I ask you not to relax despite GDP growth, because 24% of the population lives below the poverty line,” he said.

Central Asia at the UN: Iran Threats and Sanctions Disputes

U.S. President Donald Trump’s threat to “annihilate” Iran brought the vulnerability of Central Asia’s southern trade routes into focus as the UN General Assembly’s general debate opened in New York. Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov challenged unilateral sanctions, while diplomacy over Ukraine raised the prospect of a halt to attacks on energy infrastructure. For landlocked Central Asia, these developments carry consequences far beyond the speeches. Iranian ports provide access to overseas markets, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan rely heavily on fuel from Russian refineries, and restrictions on international payments can complicate commerce even where transport links remain intact. Iran and Access to the Sea Addressing the General Assembly on September 22, Trump presented a choice between reaching an agreement with Tehran and carrying out his threat to “annihilate the Islamic Republic and do it quickly.” He also predicted that an agreement could follow the U.S. midterm elections, while defending U.S. military action against Iran. [caption id="attachment_56719" align="aligncenter" width="1774"] Image: UN[/caption] That framing leaves Central Asian countries facing costs regardless of their position on Tehran. Iran provides overland connections to ports serving the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean. Damage to Iranian infrastructure can therefore disrupt trade between Central Asia and countries that are not parties to the conflict. Uzbekistan’s exposure illustrates the distinction. According to its Ministry of Economy and Finance, goods worth $3.9 billion entered Uzbekistan through Iran in 2025. That represented about 9% of total imports, including approximately $1 billion in technological equipment. Uzbek exports transiting Iran were worth another $1.4 billion. Those figures measure transit, not simply purchases from Iranian suppliers. Pressure intended to isolate Tehran can also obstruct Uzbekistan’s access to equipment and customers elsewhere. Kazakhstan has also sought a larger southern outlet. A 27-year agreement provides for a Kazakh transport and logistics terminal at Shahid Rajaee Port in Bandar Abbas. Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Trade says the project would expand access to Gulf markets and destinations in Asia and East Africa. The risks differ by port. Bandar Abbas faces the Strait of Hormuz, while Chabahar sits on the Gulf of Oman, outside the strait. Both depend on Iranian infrastructure and remain exposed to the wider conflict and sanctions environment. Developing alternative routes does not make these southern connections dispensable. Nor is exposure uniform. Kazakh officials have emphasized the limited existing role of Persian Gulf shipments in the country’s logistics. For Astana, the threat concerns future diversification as well as current trade. For Uzbekistan, the transit figures show a substantial flow already at risk. Tajikistan, meanwhile, has sought 2.55 million tons of Iranian crude oil and fuel following shortages in Russian supplies. Its search for an alternative leaves Dushanbe exposed to two conflicts, with attacks on Russian refineries disrupting its established supplier, and the conflict involving Iran threatening a potential replacement. Japarov Challenges Sanctions In his General Assembly address, Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov argued that unilateral sanctions harm smaller developing states and can become instruments of political pressure. “The right to impose sanctions against a particular state should, in our view, belong exclusively to the United Nations,” he said, calling for advance scrutiny of sanctions and regular reviews of their consequences. [caption id="attachment_56718" align="aligncenter" width="1774"] Image: Kyrgyz presidential service[/caption] Japarov also thanked Trump for cutting funding to nongovernmental organizations, claiming the move had reduced interference in developing countries. The issue of sanctions carried into his September 22 meeting with European Council President António Costa. According to the Kyrgyz presidential administration’s account, Japarov expressed concern over restrictions despite regular exchanges with European officials. He cited a May 2026 order for 50 companies to cease activity after the authorities identified heightened sanctions risks. His message combined opposition to unilateral restrictions with an effort to demonstrate that Bishkek was responding to compliance concerns. Japarov’s remarks followed his U.S. business meetings. Those talks concerned access to international finance and railway equipment, highlighting the practical relationships Bishkek wants to expand while contesting Western sanctions policy. Japarov also proposed a UN-backed fund to preserve Issyk-Kul, saying Kyrgyzstan was ready to contribute $10 million from its budget. He linked the initiative to climate pressures on the lake. Ukraine’s Energy Offer Separately, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said after meeting Trump that Kyiv was ready for an energy ceasefire if Russia reciprocated. The offer concerned halting attacks on energy facilities. It did not establish that Moscow had accepted the terms or that a functioning ceasefire would come into place. Any sustained reduction in refinery attacks could ease one source of uncertainty for Central Asian fuel importers. Russian diesel deliveries recovered sharply in August after a summer slump. Kyrgyzstan received more than 72,000 tons, against 4,400 tons in July. Tajikistan’s deliveries rose from 16,000 to more than 56,000 tons. However, the rebound did not remove their dependence on Russian supply decisions. A ceasefire covering energy infrastructure could reduce physical disruption, but would not itself guarantee export volumes or lower prices. Other Regional Initiatives Uzbekistan’s delegation, led by presidential administration chief Saida Mirziyoyeva, pursued commercial discussions alongside the UN proceedings. Her September 23 meeting with Google Vice President Karan Bhatia included talks on introducing YouTube monetization in Uzbekistan. Mirziyoyeva is due to deliver Uzbekistan’s national address on September 23. New partnerships can widen Central Asia’s options, but they cannot quickly replace Iranian transit routes or Russian fuel supplies. Decisions made in New York could therefore affect whether Central Asian countries can keep trade moving and secure reliable fuel supplies.

Russian Diesel Returns, but Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan Remain Exposed

Russia sharply increased diesel supplies to Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan in August after a summer slump in Russian fuel exports strained both countries’ markets and pushed prices higher. But the August rebound underscored a weakness already exposed over the summer: disruptions at Russian refineries can quickly ripple through fuel markets across both countries. In August, Kyrgyzstan received more than 72,000 tons of Russian diesel, up from just 4,400 tons in July. Supplies to Tajikistan rose from 16,000 tons to more than 56,000 tons, around 3.5 times the July level. Overall, Russia exported more than 370,000 tons of diesel to Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Mongolia in August, more than double the July volume. Kazakhstan received around 28,000 tons after no deliveries in July, while Mongolia imported about 215,000 tons. Russia's diesel production recovered to around 170,000 tons per day in August, but Moscow maintained restrictions on exports to protect its domestic market, with exceptions for countries covered by intergovernmental agreements. The summer disruption showed that such arrangements do not insulate Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan from falling production at Russian refineries. Kyrgyzstan Starts to Diversify Kyrgyzstan consumes around 1.6 million tons of petroleum products a year and receives the overwhelming majority of its imports from Russia. The summer disruption pushed Bishkek to look for additional sources. The authorities discussed purchases from Kazakhstan, Belarus, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan. Belarusian deliveries began arriving in July, while China also sent an initial batch of fuel. In August, Kyrgyz officials opened talks with China’s Sinopec over further supplies. Another option is to refine more crude oil domestically. In August, 35,000 tons of crude were shipped through Kazakhstan to Kyrgyzstan for processing at local refineries. The new route gives Bishkek another way to source feedstock while reducing its dependence on finished gasoline and diesel from Russian refineries. The 72,000 tons of Russian diesel delivered in August largely offset July’s collapse rather than establishing a new level of supply. Tajikistan's Options Tajikistan is even more dependent. In the first half of 2026, the country imported 599,500 tons of petroleum products worth $494.7 million. Russia accounted for 91.1% of those supplies. Diesel imports totaled 300,200 tons. The reduction in supplies became visible on the streets of Dushanbe over the summer. In early July, diesel disappeared from some filling stations, while others limited purchases to 20 liters per vehicle. By late July, prices at some stations had reached 17–18 somoni (about $1.90) per liter. As of August 31, the average price was around 16.5 somoni, compared with approximately 11 somoni in early June. Dushanbe responded by increasing purchases from neighboring countries. In July, imports of gasoline, diesel, and jet fuel from Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan roughly tripled to 34,000 tons. But average monthly imports of these fuels from all suppliers in the first half of the year were around 97,000 tons. Neighboring suppliers can cover part of the shortfall, but for now they cannot quickly replace Russian volumes. In July, the presidents of Tajikistan and Kazakhstan discussed increasing supplies of Kazakh petroleum products to the Tajik market. In August, Dushanbe also turned to Tehran. Tajikistan requested possible supplies of 2 million tons of crude oil, 300,000 tons of diesel, 150,000 tons of gasoline, and 100,000 tons of jet fuel, although no contractual details emerged. The wider impact of strikes on Russian refining has also drawn attention in Washington. On September 13, U.S. President Donald Trump called on Volodymyr Zelensky to halt strikes on Russian oil refining, saying reduced supplies of Russian diesel were contributing to shortages on the global market. “Don’t hit the diesel fuel. It’s hurting the whole world,” Trump said. For Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, the consequences of the disruptions had already become apparent over the summer. The August surge does not signal sustained growth in Russian exports: between January and August, Russia supplied around 2.5 million tons of diesel to Central Asia and Afghanistan, compared with 2.6 million tons during the same period a year earlier. On September 20, Gazprom Neft’s Moscow refinery halted crude processing after a drone attack caused fires at its two primary processing units. According to Reuters, repairs could take several weeks. In 2024, the refinery processed 11.6 million tons of crude and produced around 3.2 million tons of diesel. Kyrgyzstan is expanding the geography of its fuel purchases and domestic refining, while Tajikistan is looking to neighboring countries and Iran for additional supplies. But August showed the limits of those alternatives. After the July slump, pressure on both markets has been eased primarily by the return of Russian diesel. Backup supply routes have emerged. A source capable of replacing Russian fuel on a comparable scale has not.

Central Asia at the UN: Saida Mirziyoyeva to Represent Uzbekistan

Saida Mirziyoyeva, the head of Uzbekistan’s Presidential Administration and daughter of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, is expected to deliver the country’s address at the UN General Assembly’s general debate in New York. Her appearance comes as Central Asian delegations seek support for regional development and prepare for a larger role in UN diplomacy. On September 22, Gazeta reported that Mirziyoyeva would represent Uzbekistan in the debate. Her father delivered the country’s address last year. The report did not specify the proposals she would present. Mirziyoyeva met UN Secretary-General António Guterres on September 21. Her public account described discussions on cooperation with the UN, but provided no detailed negotiating agenda. The assignment follows her appointment as administration chief in June 2025, when the president restored a post abolished two years earlier. She had previously served as his assistant. This month, Mirziyoyev also appointed her to head the planned Tashkent International Financial Centre, which aims to attract private capital through tax incentives and a legal framework drawing on English common law principles. Mirziyoyeva’s UN appearance adds a major diplomatic assignment to her domestic responsibilities. She has addressed UN events before, including a water conference in 2023. Delivering Uzbekistan’s national statement in the General Assembly would give her a broader platform to present government policy. What is On the Agenda The general debate runs from September 22 to 26 and resumes on September 28. It is the centerpiece of the General Assembly’s high-level week, when world leaders address the UN and hold bilateral talks on the sidelines. The gathering is based at UN headquarters in New York, with additional events around the city. This year’s theme is “Restoring trust, managing transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all.”  Practical discussions include reforming the organization and financing development. The European Council’s published priorities call for a more effective, cost-efficient UN and stronger international peace and security mechanisms. The week also brings diplomacy over the war in Ukraine. Volodymyr Zelenskiy is due to meet U.S. President Donald Trump in New York to press for a halt to attacks on energy infrastructure, Reuters reported. Those talks take place amid continuing strikes on power facilities and refineries. The week’s program includes separate meetings on climate action and a just transition on September 23, according to Kazakhstan Today. Pandemic prevention and preparedness will be discussed on September 25. Central Asia in New York The region’s countries are attending at different political levels. Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov is in New York after visiting Utah. His announced program combines participation in the UN gathering with meetings with national leaders and U.S. businesses. On September 21, Japarov met financial services group StoneX. The meeting produced memoranda involving Kyrgyzstan’s Finance Ministry and Eldik Bank, following discussions about precious metals trading and access to international financial services. Kyrgyzstan is also preparing for its 2027–2028 Security Council term. In a recent interview with The Times of Central Asia, Shumkarbek Adilbek uulu, director of the National Institute for Strategic Initiatives, described efforts to secure financing for mountainous states facing climate pressures. Kazakhstan’s delegation is headed by Foreign Minister Mukhtar Tleuberdi. His program includes an address to the General Assembly and a meeting with Guterres. Central Asian foreign ministers are also scheduled to hold consultations, including discussions on the priorities of the UN Regional Center for Sustainable Development Goals for Central Asia and Afghanistan in Almaty. Tajikistan’s Foreign Ministry announced that Foreign Minister Sirojiddin Muhriddin’s delegation arrived in New York on September 20. Turkmenistan has published its priorities for the session. Its proposals include a transport corridor under UN auspices connecting South and Central Asia with Europe through the Caspian Sea. It also wants an international code governing the peaceful use of AI in diplomacy, and is planning work toward a Security Council candidacy for 2031–2032.

Kyrgyzstan’s NISI Director on Reform, Red Tape and a Bigger Global Role

On September 15, 2026, The Times of Central Asia spoke with Shumkarbek Adilbek uulu, director of the National Institute for Strategic Initiatives (NISI) under the President of the Kyrgyz Republic. Established in its current form in 2024 through the merger of two institutes, NISI provides strategic advice to the country's leadership and develops proposals to reduce bureaucracy. Adilbek uulu discusses Kyrgyzstan's priorities for its 2027–2028 UN Security Council term and its approach to climate diplomacy. He also outlines NISI's work on economic reform and digital public services, including efforts to help smaller businesses grow. Some views expressed in this interview reflect Adilbek uulu's personal opinions rather than the official position of NISI or the Kyrgyz government, as he notes in his answers. The English text has been lightly edited for readability.   TCA: What have been your main priorities since becoming director, and how did you come to join NISI? Adilbek uulu: We're focused on practical ways to drive sustainable economic growth at home: a smaller, simpler government, more room for business, and productive relations abroad that feed into our domestic agenda. By protecting our national interests, our diplomats support the domestic goal of building up the Kyrgyz Republic, nation-building if you will, without getting caught up in other countries' ambitions. I joined NISI in 2025 to help break through decades of bureaucratic gridlock, a real drag on economic development. Minister Ayaz Baetov brought me in. At the time, he was the Minister of Justice, Deputy Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers, and NISI's director, all at once. He told me NISI's job was to give the Presidential Administration strategic advice that's pragmatic and rooted in Kyrgyz insight. I agreed and have been working at it since. That's our core job. Interestingly, Minister Baetov was just named Kyrgyzstan's Permanent Representative to the UN in New York. The significance of the contribution Mr. Baetov has made to the effort to reduce bureaucracy remains to be fully assessed. I am confident it will be rated highly, as we will feel the positive impact of many of his ideas and decisions in the future. TCA: Kyrgyzstan was recently elected a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council for 2027–2028. Will NISI be more focused on foreign policy now? Adilbek uulu: With Kyrgyzstan on the Security Council, the government will be pulled into issues outside our usual remit, so NISI will be in even closer contact with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. To be clear, I don't speak for the Foreign Ministry. I help shape strategy for our diplomats, businesspeople, and policymakers, and I track what's happening overseas and in our neighborhood. UNSC issues will be high on our agenda, and we'll support the MFA on long-term thinking. As one example, I just got back from the China Economic and Social Forum in Hangzhou, China. The forum focused on the environment and natural resources. I'll be putting together a memo for the Office of the President with our observations. TCA: How does climate vulnerability fit into NISI's economic and security work? Adilbek uulu: Climate directly shapes economic and security policy; these aren't separate issues. Whatever's causing climate change, it’s a fact that temperatures have been rising. We're a small country heavily shaped by our neighbors and our geography. Kyrgyzstan is 94% mountainous, mostly above 1,000 meters. Our glaciers are retreating, and warming here is running at twice the global rate. Climate change directly threatens our water, agriculture, and energy security. That's why climate resilience sits at the core of our national strategy, not on the sidelines. I articulated this point at the aforementioned forum in Hangzhou. TCA: Kyrgyzstan regularly raises issues related to mountain ecosystems and glaciers at forums. What do you hope to achieve? Adilbek uulu: We're pushing for international cooperation and new financing specifically for mountainous states. We want greater recognition that our geography and outsized climate exposure deserve differentiated, even special, support. We also want more investment in hydropower and green technology, areas where our terrain gives us a genuine comparative advantage. I emphasized this matter as well in Hangzhou. President Japarov treats environment, climate, and water management as core strategic issues, not side concerns. He didn't just rename a 4,050-meter-high mountain in Kyrgyzstan the "Peak of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization" for photo ops. The President wants climate and ecology front and center. TCA: What priorities would you like Kyrgyzstan to pursue during its Security Council term? Adilbek uulu: Let me repeat that these are my personal views. But I’d like to flag two things. You may recall that back in 2023, President Japarov floated a debt-for-nature swap in his UNGA speech, a pretty remarkable statement. Basically, a creditor forgives or restructures part of a country's foreign debt, and in exchange, the debtor government, like Kyrgyzstan, commits to funding environmental conservation and natural resource management at home. Second, we're hosting the Bishkek+25 Global Mountain Summit next year, October 21 to 23, 2027, in Bishkek. It is a UN-linked event, capping off the UN's "Five Years of Action for the Development of Mountain Regions." I'd like to see debt-for-nature swaps as a specific item on the agenda there, building on what President Japarov raised at the UN. TCA: Is NISI cautious about the pace of market reform, and what risks do you see in moving too quickly with deregulation? Adilbek uulu: Yes, deliberately so. Moving from a command mindset to an entrepreneurial one has to happen prudently. I'm genuinely cautious about unregulated, “anything-goes” market liberalism because I've watched rapid deregulation and privatization in post-socialist and developing economies produce sharp inequality, asset concentration among a narrow elite, and weakened public services. Our regulatory institutions, market structures, and social safety nets are on a maturing trajectory, but have not yet reached the depth that allows more established economies to absorb liberalization's disruptive effects as smoothly. Move too fast, and capital drifts toward a small number of actors instead of being broadly shared, which undermines the whole point: our land, water, energy, and economic output should serve the entire population, not a privileged few. So, I favor a gradual, sequenced approach: build institutions and social protections alongside market reforms, so we get the benefits of a more open economy without sacrificing social cohesion. TCA: You put a lot of weight on reducing bureaucracy. What do you mean by "Next-Generation Service," and how does NISI’s digitalization index fit into this work? Adilbek uulu: It means putting people at the center of government. Citizens and foreign investors should know that our reforms center on transparency, audits, regulatory optimization, digitalization of services, and outsourcing where appropriate. Less bureaucracy beats more bureaucracy, and that applies to the public sector as much as the private one, with the caveat that we still need guardrails to manage what could be detrimental to the common good. On digitalization, the goal is efficiency and interoperability. Here's an example that also explains our “Tunduk System”: when a child is born, parents shouldn't have to chase down people in a dozen offices while getting buried in paperwork. As that child goes through life, the government system should already be set up so parents can easily confirm that "all is in order." Over time, that means less paperwork, fewer steps, easier access; that's the practical goal. TCA: Can you elaborate on what "Tunduk" means? Adilbek uulu: Tunduk is Kyrgyzstan's national electronic interoperability system, the government's digital backbone connecting agencies and services, so people get better access to government. NISI also works on the policy creation and reform side, shaping how that infrastructure gets used to make services more accessible, connected, and proactive. It's also a useful tool in the fight against corruption. TCA: What opportunities and risks do you see in using AI in government? Adilbek uulu: AI is a road we're traveling right now, like every other nation. It makes government more efficient and responsive, helping small departments serve more people with smaller budgets — quality over quantity. At the same time, it raises real risks around privacy, job displacement for public workers, and the temptation to over-automate decisions that really need a human touch. We're aware of those risks. TCA: How does NISI support the growth of medium-sized businesses? Adilbek uulu: Our SME sector needs to grow, plain and simple. For 25 years, we've been stuck at around 800 to 1,000 medium-sized enterprises. There's been some movement lately, but not nearly enough, and too many small businesses still struggle to scale. We built a dashboard with more granular data than I believe exists in Uzbekistan or Kazakhstan. Official statistics generally stop at the oblast level; we're taking data collection down to the district level ourselves. The goal is to direct government support to businesses with real growth potential, not those with the right connections. We're also positioning NISI as an Independent Verification Agency and, with UNDP, adapting the UK's Delivery Unit model at the district level. Greater transparency and better data can give entrepreneurs a fairer shot and give Kyrgyzstanis abroad more confidence to invest capital back home.