Kyrgyzstan Prioritizes Export Support as External Trade Declines
Kyrgyzstan is intensifying efforts to support domestic exporters as the country faces a sustained decline in foreign trade. Authorities now regard export development as a central pillar of economic policy. First Deputy Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers Daniyar Amangeldiyev reiterated this position during a meeting of the Export Development Council on March 24. The government is considering a range of practical measures aimed at strengthening export capacity. Among them is a pilot programme to partially reimburse transportation and logistics costs. The initiative is intended to reduce the price of Kyrgyz goods in foreign markets and enhance their competitiveness. At the same time, officials plan to expand access to financing through a new preferential credit facility titled “Export Contract Financing.” The mechanism is designed to address exporters’ cash-flow constraints and support working capital, backed by insurance instruments and state guarantees. These steps come amid a significant deterioration in trade performance. According to the National Statistical Committee, Kyrgyzstan’s exports fell by 20.3% in January 2026, while imports increased by 6.1%. The decline reflects a broader trend. In 2025, exports dropped by 44.5%, while imports rose by 3.9%. Total foreign trade turnover reached $15.8 billion, representing a decrease of 10.2% compared to 2024. Kyrgyzstan’s export geography remains relatively concentrated. In 2025, the country’s main export destinations were Russia (22.9%), Kazakhstan (15.9%), Switzerland (15.4%), Uzbekistan (14.2%), and the United Kingdom (8.2%). Imports, meanwhile, were dominated by China (37.2%), followed by Russia (24.6%) and Kazakhstan (10.9%). Such concentration increases the economy’s vulnerability to fluctuations in demand among a limited number of trading partners. The sharp fall in exports was driven largely by declining gold shipments, Kyrgyzstan’s principal export commodity. According to the Ministry of Economy, gold exports fell by a factor of 3.7 in 2025. Gold accounted for 23.9% of total exports, underscoring the country’s dependence on a single commodity. Both external and domestic factors contributed to the downturn. Weaker demand in key partner markets, including Russia and Kazakhstan, reduced export volumes. At the same time, temporary government restrictions on the export of certain goods, such as scrap metal and livestock, also constrained trade flows.
Kyrgyzstan Braces for Showdown Between President Japarov and Former Security Chief Tashiyev
When Kyrgyzstan’s President Sadyr Japarov suddenly dismissed his long-time friend Kamchybek Tashiyev as head of the country’s State Committee for National Security (GKNB) on February 10, he cryptically said it was “in the interests of our state, in order to prevent a split in society.” Less than two months later, that split could be coming, and there is a possibility the country is headed for a confrontation between the two men and their supporters. The Gathering Clouds Tashiyev returned to Kyrgyzstan on March 19 after being outside the country for more than a month amid a widening corruption investigation targeting Tashiyev and people close to him. On the day he arrived, Tashiyev went to the Interior Ministry’s investigative department, where he was questioned about state-owned company Kyrgyzneftegaz. On March 17, the head of the State Tax Service, Almambet Shykmamatov, said that “Kyrgyzneftegaz was under the complete control of the GKNB.” The State Tax Service is looking into allegations that Kyrgyzneftegaz sold crude oil to private companies connected to Tashiyev’s relatives or associates who then sold the oil back to Kyrgyzneftegaz at a profit. These accusations are not new. Bolot Temirov, the host of the investigative news program Temirov Live, reported about this exact topic in January 2022. Two days after the report was posted on YouTube, police raided the office of Temirov Live, detaining Temirov on narcotics possession charges that were later dropped. Instead, Temirov was convicted of having a fake Kyrgyz passport and using false documents to cross in and out of Kyrgyzstan. At an appeals trial in November 2022, a judge ordered Temirov deported from Kyrgyzstan, and he was taken from the courtroom to the airport and put on a plane to Russia. Several journalists connected to Temirov Live have been detained, and some, including Temirov’s wife, have been imprisoned since Temirov’s expulsion from Kyrgyzstan. The State Tax Service has resurrected the Temirov Live accusations, while insisting that the evidence it collected has no relationship to the Temirov Live report. Tashiyev’s nephew, Baigazy Matisakov, who was the head of the Kyrgyzneftegaz refinery since 2021, was detained on March 18. Tashiyev’s son, Tay-Muras, who is connected to Moko Group, one of the private companies involved in purchasing oil from and then reselling it to Kyrgyzneftegaz, was questioned at the Interior Ministry. An article from March 16 states that the State Tax Service also connected Tashiyev’s brother, Shairbek, to illegal activities in the oil business. Reports about Tashiyev being questioned at the Interior Ministry on March 19 stressed that he was called in as a “witness.” Japarov Goes on the Offensive On February 10, the reason for sacking Tashiyev, who was out of the country at the time, was unclear. In the days that followed, it gradually became apparent that this was more than just a disagreement between two friends who had governed Kyrgyzstan together for five years. Japarov also dismissed top officials in the GKNB, which Tashiyev had headed since October 2020. Officials in the Interior Ministry, the prosecutor general’s office, several ministers, the mayors of Kyrgyzstan’s second and third largest cities, Osh and Manas (formerly Jalal-Abad), respectively, and eight newly-elected members of parliament were fired or suddenly resigned. Tashiyev’s brother, Shairbek, received some 56% of the votes in his district in the November 30, 2025, parliamentary elections, the biggest percentage received by any candidate in the 30 electoral districts. On February 16, less than a week after his brother was fired as head of the GKNB, Shairbek said his brother’s dismissal “did not cause a stir in our family.” He commented about posts on social networks that were calling for him to step down, saying that only the people who voted for him had the right to take away his deputy’s mandate. But on March 13, the Interior Ministry’s Investigative Department called Shairbek in for questioning, and the next day, he signed a declaration officially relinquishing his seat in parliament. The Border Guard Service was subordinate to the GKNB, but Japarov transferred it under the control of the president’s office, and also created a state security service and an investigative committee that report directly to the president. All the while, Japarov insisted he and Tashiyev were still friends. Shortly after Tashiyev was dismissed, the head of the presidential press service, Dayyrbek Orunbekov, warned there was a fake campaign to discredit Tashiyev, and later, Syrgak Berdikozhoyev, the chairman of the newly created State Security Service, stated that Tashiyev would continue to receive government security. An Ominous Silence Tashiyev was in Germany when Japarov announced his dismissal. Japarov said he had spoken with Tashiyev before the announcement, but Tashiyev said the move was unexpected. The apparent reason for firing Tashiyev was an appeal a group of 75 former government officials and prominent public figures released on February 9, calling for President Japarov and then-speaker of parliament Nurlanbek Turgunbek uulu to set a date for an early presidential election. Japarov was elected president in January 2021 under a previous constitution that stipulated a six-year term for the president. A new constitution approved in a national referendum in April 2021 reduced the presidential term to five years, so there was some ambiguity about Japarov’s time in office. Hours after the appeal was made public, information appeared claiming that some of its authors were contacting members of parliament and other people, and urging them to “go over to the general’s (Tashiyev’s) side” when an early presidential election was held. The timing was strange. Tashiyev departed Kyrgyzstan on February 6 for a medical check-up in Germany, something he has done regularly since undergoing heart surgery there in February 2021. He returned on February 13 and met briefly with Japarov on February 15, then left Kyrgyzstan again on February 17. Tashiyev did not make any comments to the media during his short stay in Kyrgyzstan. After the meeting, President Japarov said Tashiyev would not be returning to any government position and hinted that perhaps the discussion had not gone well. “Of course, he (Tashiyev) won't say thank you now; he'll be upset,” Japarov said, adding, “But years from now, he'll say, ‘Friend, you did the right thing back then.’” Tashiyev remained in Kyrgyzstan after being questioned by the Interior Ministry, and on March 20, attended prayers in Bishkek marking the end of Ramadan. “If I made a mistake and offended anyone, I ask for forgiveness,” he told the media. But, he added, “I have forgiven everyone who spread rumors and slandered during the holy month… I hope next time they won't do this and spread information that is not true.” Next Move? Most of the people in government whom Japarov has sacked since February 10 are connected to Tashiyev. The investigation involving Kyrgyzneftegaz seems to be the next step in disassembling Tashiyev’s support base, but this is a dangerous move. While there is almost surely “kompromat” on Tashiyev and his family, the same is true of Japarov. One example is Japarov’s sister, Raykul, who fled Kyrgyzstan in 2014 just before she was convicted of laundering illegal proceeds and sentenced to seven years in prison. In 2015, she was convicted of involvement in the 2007 illegal takeover of Investbank Issyk-Kul and was sentenced to ten years in prison. Raykul Japarova has repeatedly denied any wrongdoing. A warrant was issued for her arrest, and as of May 2020, she was reportedly seeking political asylum in Poland. Then came the October 2020 revolution in Kyrgyzstan. Sadyr Japarov was in prison, three years into an 11.5-year sentence for kidnapping a local official during protests in Issyk-Kul in October 2013, charges which Japarov denies. Sadyr Japarov initially fled Kyrgyzstan, but was arrested and convicted after returning in March 2017. Japarov was freed from prison by supporters during the October 2020 revolution and, with help from Tashiyev and others, was catapulted into the presidency in less than two weeks. In January 2021, Kyrgyzstan’s Supreme Court overturned the convictions of Raykul Japarova. The Supreme Court had already overturned Japarov’s conviction shortly after he was freed from prison in October 2020. There are more recent allegations that members of Japarov’s family and their friends have also been involved in unethical or illegal business activities. As head of Kyrgyzstan’s security service for more than five years, Tashiyev probably has his own kompromat material on the Japarov family and their acquaintances. Loyal supporters of Japarov and Tashiyev are likely on edge already and preparing for a potentially volatile period in the coming weeks.
Pannier and Hillard’s Spotlight on Central Asia: New Episode Out Now
As Managing Editor of The Times of Central Asia, I’m delighted that, in partnership with the Oxus Society for Central Asian Affairs, from October 19, we are the home of the Spotlight on Central Asia podcast. Chaired by seasoned broadcasters Bruce Pannier of RFE/RL’s long-running Majlis podcast and Michael Hillard of The Red Line, each fortnightly instalment will take you on a deep dive into the latest news, developments, security issues, and social trends across an increasingly pivotal region. This week, the team examine a series of major developments across Central Asia, from the results of Kazakhstan's constitutional referendum to the announcement of new Chinese-funded border outposts and fortifications along Tajikistan's frontier. We also look at the continuing fallout from the security shake-up in Kyrgyzstan, with further arrests and resignations, as well as the increasingly strange foreign movements of Turkmenistan's senior leadership while war continues to rage just across the border in Iran, alongside Tehran's threats to strike Turkmen infrastructure. The episode then turns to the escalating conflict between Afghanistan and Pakistan, where some of the heaviest fighting in months is raising fresh questions about border stability, regional security, and the risk of wider spillover. Finally, for our main story, we bring on a panel of experts to discuss the growing issues surrounding the Rogun Dam and its resettlement project, and how both are likely to affect the states downstream. On the show this week: - Eugene Simonov (Rivers Without Boundaries Coalition) - Mark Fodor (Coalition for Human Rights in Development)
The History of Nauryz: An Ancient Festival That Continues to Unite Central Asia
Ahead of the Nauryz holiday, The Times of Central Asia looks at the origins and enduring significance of one of the region’s oldest celebrations. More than a seasonal festival, Nauryz reflects a deep connection between people, nature, and cultural identity, a tradition that has evolved over thousands of years and remains central to life across Central Asia. Origins and Meaning
Nauryz, also known as Nowruz, is one of the world’s oldest holidays, marking the arrival of spring and the beginning of a new year. It is celebrated on the day of the spring equinox, when day and night are approximately equal and nature appears to begin a new cycle.
For many communities, the holiday symbolizes renewal, hope for prosperity, and the start of a new stage in life.
The name “Nowruz” derives from ancient Iranian words meaning “new day.” This concept lies at the heart of the celebration: the renewal of life and the symbolic rebirth of nature after winter.
With a history spanning more than 3,000 years, the holiday spread across Eurasia along the Silk Roads and became embedded in the cultural traditions of Central Asia, the Middle East, and the Caucasus. [caption id="attachment_45687" align="alignnone" width="300"]
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Today, Nowruz is recognized not only as a calendar event but also as a cultural tradition that promotes values such as peace, mutual respect, and harmony with nature.
Connection to the Spring Equinox
Nauryz is traditionally celebrated during the spring equinox, which usually falls on March 20 or 21, when the Sun crosses the celestial equator and daylight and nighttime hours are nearly equal.
Since ancient times, this moment has symbolized the awakening of nature and the beginning of a new agricultural year.
Historical sources indicate that different communities once observed various dates in March, often guided by natural signs. Over time, however, the astronomical equinox, commonly observed on March 21, became the most widely accepted date.
Medieval scholars paid close attention to this phenomenon. In the 11th and 12th centuries, astronomers such as Omar Khayyam refined calendar calculations to align the start of the year more precisely with the equinox.
Alongside scientific knowledge, traditional methods were also used to forecast harvests and weather conditions, including observing seed germination or measuring the length of shadows before the holiday.
Today, Nauryz is officially celebrated on March 21 in countries such as Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, while UNESCO also recognizes Nowruz as marking the first day of spring.
Rituals and Traditions
For centuries, Nauryz has been marked by rituals symbolizing renewal, fertility, and prosperity. Among both nomadic and settled communities, it has traditionally been celebrated with public festivities, games, and family gatherings.
Common customs include ritual cleansing with water, exchanging gifts, and offering food to neighbors and guests. The altybakan swing is widely regarded as a symbol of spring and joy. In some regions, the ancient practice of jumping over fire has been preserved as a purification ritual.
Food plays a central role in the celebration. Although culinary traditions vary by country, they share a common symbolism of abundance and new life.
In Kazakhstan, the main festive dish is Nauryz kozhe, a soup prepared from seven ingredients representing prosperity and well-being. In Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, sumalak, a sweet dish made from sprouted wheat, is a key symbol of the holiday.
Sumalak is traditionally prepared collectively, often overnight, with participants taking turns stirring the pot and making wishes. It is believed to bring prosperity and fertility.
Festive tables also feature dishes such as plov, herb-filled samsa, and manty dumplings.
Celebrations are typically accompanied by traditional games and competitions, including horse racing, wrestling, equestrian contests, and street performances. People gather around a shared dastarkhan, sing songs, visit relatives, and exchange wishes for health, peace, and prosperity.
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From Suppression to Revival
During the Soviet period, large-scale public celebrations of Nauryz were restricted, and many traditions were preserved mainly within families and local communities. From the late 1980s onward, however, the holiday began to experience a revival.
Following the independence of Central Asian states, Nauryz was officially recognized as a public holiday across the region.
Today, it is widely celebrated in Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan, with festivals, fairs, and public events held in major cities.
Its international recognition underscores its cultural significance. In 2009, Nowruz was inscribed on UNESCO’s Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, and since 2010 March 21 has been observed as the International Day of Nowruz.
Nauryz remains one of the most enduring cultural traditions in Central Asia, with its meaning preserved across generations.
Its emphasis on renewal and hospitality continues to bring communities together across borders and remains a familiar part of life across the region.
Global Internet Freedom Rankings: Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan Far Ahead of Eurasian Neighbors
The 2026 Global Internet Freedom Rankings, published this week by the research agency Cloudwards, have revealed that the five countries of Central Asia have significantly less internet censorship than all of their Eurasian neighbors. Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan’s online environments emerge as particularly encouraging cases. Cloudwards defines internet censorship as the banning or restricting of online content or services, such as social media platforms, VPN apps, and certain political or religious messaging. It also covers the more welcome deletion of harmful content. Censorship can be done by governments, or initiated by a country’s internet service providers and other businesses. The internet freedom rankings do not measure state censorship per se. Cloudwards' research scored 171 countries on a scale of 0-100, rating their overall levels of internet censorship using five key criteria: torrenting availability; adult content accessibility; social media platforms; access to varied political and religious content; and VPN regulations. Eleven nations returned the highest score of 92, including New Zealand, Belgium and Timor Leste. While North Korea scored 0, the next four worst countries for internet censorship – each scoring just 4 – all border Central Asia: China, Pakistan, Iran and Russia. Tajikistan’s score of 56, while only middling in the global context, means that its internet is subject to significantly less interference than almost anywhere in the wider Eurasia region. The Times of Central Asia reported last year that the country has repealed a law that allowed citizens to be prosecuted for ‘liking’ posts on social media that are critical of the government. The only Eurasian country to rival Tajikistan is its northern neighbor Kyrgyzstan, which has the second freest internet in Central Asia, scoring 52 in Cloudwards' ranking. For comparison, 52 is also the overall score given to the United Kingdom and Brazil. Kazakhstan scored 36 – above Singapore and South Korea, which both received a mark of 32. Uzbekistan scored 24. While Turkmenistan’s mark of 16 places it firmly among the world’s worst countries for internet censorship, this is nonetheless higher than countries including India and Turkey (both 12). Turkmen netizens still experience fewer restrictions than internet users in the aforementioned China, Pakistan, Iran and Russia. The authors of the Cloudwards report, British editors Kit Copson and Sandra Pattison, commented: "The reasons behind online censorship range from protecting people targeted by hate speech to quelling political dissent. In especially restrictive locations, censorship and internet monitoring are tools commonly to control narratives." They added: "The consequences for breaching government-imposed censorship laws depend on the country. They could include fines or even arrest or imprisonment for those in highly restrictive locations."
Private Employment Agencies Expand Overseas Recruitment of Kyrgyz Migrants
Private recruitment agencies that arrange overseas employment for Kyrgyz citizens contributed about $230,000 in tax payments to the state budget last year, according to data published on the Open Budget portal. At the same time, some migrants say that working conditions abroad do not always match the promises made by intermediaries. Kyrgyz media report that 159 companies in the country currently hold official licences to facilitate employment abroad. While Russia remains the main destination for labor migration, interest in jobs in Europe and Southeast Asia has increased in recent years. Kyrgyz citizens can seek employment abroad through the Ministry of Labor, Social Security, and Migration, which has intergovernmental agreements with several countries, including the United Kingdom, Italy, Slovakia, and South Korea. However, many migrants continue to use private agencies, citing faster processing times and a broader choice of destinations. According to official information, licensed companies offer employment opportunities in 26 countries, with the largest number of permits issued for sending workers to Bulgaria, Turkey, Russia, Germany, and the Baltic states. Migrant experience One Kyrgyz migrant, Nurbek Nogoibayev, said he decided to seek work in Europe for the first time after previously working in Kazakhstan and participating in a Work and Travel programme in the United States. A welder by profession, he said a Bishkek-based agency offered him a factory job in Kaunas, Lithuania. “They promised inexpensive housing, a two-year residence permit, and stable work. I had an interview via WhatsApp, and since I speak English and Russian and have experience, they quickly accepted me,” he told The Times of Central Asia. After completing paperwork, obtaining a visa, and paying for travel, he arrived in Lithuania three months later. According to Nogoibayev, the contract signed in Bishkek specified a salary of €5.5 per hour with the possibility of gradual increases. However, he said he was asked to sign a new contract with different conditions upon arrival. He also reported higher housing costs than initially promised and changes to his working schedule, including a six-day work week and mandatory night shifts without additional compensation. When he contacted the agency in Bishkek, he said he was told it could not assist further. Nogoibayev added that he cannot easily change jobs. According to his understanding of local regulations, foreign workers are required to remain with their first employer for a certain period before switching employment, or risk losing their residence permit. He also said that leaving earlier could result in financial penalties. “I would like to work overtime to earn more, but that is not possible,” he said. Calls for oversight Cases such as this have prompted discussion about the need for stronger oversight of private recruitment agencies and improved protection of Kyrgyz citizens working abroad. Observers note that while overseas employment provides an important source of income for many households, disputes over contracts and working conditions remain a recurring concern.
Growing Trade Disputes Test the Eurasian Economic Union
Trade disputes within the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) are as old as its creation. Restrictions on the import and export of certain goods have long been common practice. However, analysts increasingly warn that tensions have reached a point at which the organization risks losing its core function, ensuring the free movement of goods across borders and maintaining simplified conditions for migrant workers. Mounting Restrictions The EAEU currently comprises Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Russia. Economic integration among several post-Soviet states began in 2000 with the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC), formed by Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan. Uzbekistan joined in 2006, but suspended its participation in 2008. The foundation of this organization was the Customs Union agreement, intended to abolish customs duties among member states. The structure of the integration project has since evolved. The EAEU treaty was signed in 2014 and entered into force on January 1, 2015. Tajikistan and Uzbekistan did not join, while Armenia became a member in 2015. More than two decades after the first integration agreements, however, many of the bloc’s original promises remain only partially fulfilled. Experts have long argued that protectionist measures remain widespread within the bloc and that full freedom of movement for all categories of goods, including strategic products, has not been achieved. They also point to pronounced economic asymmetry: Russia accounts for approximately 85–87% of the union’s combined GDP, whereas Kazakhstan accounts for approximately 9–10%. Russia’s significantly larger population and political influence have further reinforced perceptions of structural imbalance. Moscow is now preparing new regulatory measures affecting its partners. From April 1, 2026, a national system for confirming the arrival of goods will be introduced for road imports from EAEU countries. According to the Russian authorities, shifting key control procedures to the pre-border stage is intended to improve transparency in the administration of indirect taxes. Previously, such checks were conducted after goods entered the country through desk and field audits. At the same time, Russia has intensified selective customs controls on its borders with Kazakhstan and Belarus, officially citing efforts to combat counterfeit goods. Particular scrutiny is being applied to product labelling and accompanying documentation. Controls were tightened last summer, when mobile checkpoints were established along the Kazakh-Russian border, followed by the inspections of vehicles leaving Belarus in the autumn. Full-scale checkpoints are now operating on the Kazakh-Russian border, while a simplified regime linked to the Union State and EAEU agreements continues to apply on the Belarusian-Russian border. Logistics industry representatives report that stricter controls on the Kazakh border have significantly increased transit delivery times. Carriers often face lengthy delays at checkpoints even when their documentation is in order. According to Alexandra Pokumeiko, head of a freight-forwarding department, the changes have created uncertainty in delivery schedules along Belarus-Russia transport corridors and on transit routes through Russia to Kazakhstan. The growing number of administrative restrictions has begun to spill into specific sectors of the economy, triggering retaliatory measures between member states. Escalating Tensions in the Automotive Sector A new dispute has emerged between Kazakhstan and Russia over vehicle recycling fees. On March 10, Kazakhstan announced plans to raise the scrap fee on Russian-made cars, describing the move as a reciprocal response to measures introduced by Moscow. Although the relevant order is yet to be formally signed, Kazakhstan’s Minister of Industry and Construction, Yersayin Nagaspayev, has stated that the increase would mirror Moscow’s policy. Within Russia, recycling fees on vehicles imported from Kazakhstan have reportedly risen tenfold and are set to increase further under a progressive scale through 2029-2030. Astana argues that the reciprocal step is necessary to support its domestic automotive industry. Nagaspayev emphasised that the value of Russian passenger vehicles accounts for only around 3.7% of Kazakhstan’s car imports, suggesting limited market impact and no expectation of sharp price increases. Meanwhile, Russian media outlets have reported that since spring 2024, more than 30,000 Hyundai, Kia, and Skoda vehicles assembled in Kazakhstan have entered the Russian market within the EAEU framework. Debate Over the Union’s Future The dispute has revived debate in Kazakhstan about the country’s economic gains from EAEU membership and speculation about the bloc’s long-term viability. Olzhas Zhorayev, an expert at the Association for Analysis and Management of Public Policy, argues that the institutional structure of the Eurasian Economic Commission complicates the promotion of national interests. According to him, the multinational composition of the bloc's leadership positions sometimes makes dispute resolution difficult and contributes to perceptions that Eurasian integration remains largely declarative. Zhorayev also highlights concerns about the preparedness of some national officials working within integration bodies, suggesting that a limited understanding of economic conditions may reduce the effectiveness of their representation. Economist Arman Beisembayev takes a more critical view, arguing that Kazakhstan derives limited economic benefit from its membership in the union. Beisembayev points to a significant trade imbalance with Russia, noting that Kazakhstan imports substantially more from its northern neighbour than it exports. At the same time, he notes that Kazakhstan remains heavily dependent on Russian supplies in sectors such as food and pharmaceuticals. Labour Migration Disputes Russia has also tightened legislation governing labour migration. In January, Kyrgyzstan filed a case with the EAEU Court, arguing that Russia’s refusal to provide compulsory medical insurance to the families of migrant workers violates union agreements guaranteeing access to social protection. In March, however, the court’s Grand Chamber clarified that member states are not required to automatically extend compulsory medical insurance coverage to migrants’ family members. The ruling emphasised the distinction within EAEU agreements between social security provisions and access to medical assistance. Armenia’s Strategic Dilemma Armenia’s shifting foreign policy priorities add another layer of uncertainty to the union’s future. The country’s leadership has repeatedly signalled hesitation between deepening integration with the EAEU amid moves aimed at potentially strengthening ties with the European Union. In the summer of 2025, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan joined an EAEU forum via video link rather than attending in person, prompting speculation in regional media about Yerevan’s commitment to the bloc. Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko later suggested that Armenia may have its own reasons for adopting a more critical stance toward the organization. Simultaneous membership in both the EAEU and the European Union is not feasible, meaning Armenia may eventually face a strategic choice. Rising Tensions Ahead of Key Meetings Internal disputes are likely to influence discussions at the upcoming EAEU summit of heads of state in May, as well as during the Russian president’s planned state visit to Kazakhstan, scheduled to coincide with the event. Kazakhstan assumed the rotating chairmanship of the EAEU from January 1, 2026. Recent trade disputes suggest that Astana intends to pursue a more assertive position within the organization rather than simply aligning with Moscow’s policy preferences.
Taken together, these disputes highlight growing contradictions within the EAEU. While the union was designed to remove barriers to trade and labor mobility, member states have increasingly resorted to unilateral restrictions when national economic interests are at stake. The result is a system that formally promotes integration but frequently operates through ad-hoc controls, exemptions, and retaliatory measures.
Whether the EAEU can reconcile these tensions remains uncertain. For countries such as Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, the union still offers access to a large regional market and simplified migration rules, but recurring trade conflicts and regulatory asymmetries continue to fuel debate about how much members are willing to sacrifice for integration. As the bloc approaches another summit, the question is less about whether disagreements exist and more about how far they can escalate before the mechanisms of the union itself begin to erode.
Munara Abdukakharova: Stories of Art, Identity, and Political Memory from Kyrgyzstan
A yellow hammer-and-sickle symbol is sewn onto black, yellow, blue and red mattresses in Up on Manas, down on Sovetskaya, a powerful artwork by artist Munara Abdukakharova presented last year at Fondazione Elpis in Milan. Inspired by the traditional kurak korpe (the hand-stitched patchwork cushions and mattresses that roll up like futons), the piece reimagines a familiar domestic object as a carrier of collective memory for Central Asian migrants, often the most tangible material link to home.
Born in 1990 in Bishkek, just one year before Kyrgyzstan declared independence from the Soviet Union, Abdukakharova belongs to a generation that grew up during a profound political and cultural transition. The lingering Soviet legacy, the rise of nationalism, increasing religious influence, and the pressures of global capitalism all intersect in her work, which frequently draws on textiles, felt, and everyday objects rooted in local culture.
“The art I make is mostly narrative, based on my everyday life, and depicts broader social issues in Kyrgyzstan,” says Abdukakharova from her home in Bishkek, from where she realizes most of her work.
A finalist of the B. Bubikanova Art Prize, Abdukakharova works across embroidery, printmaking, photography, and installation. Speaking to The Times of Central Asia, she reflects on her path from architecture to contemporary art, the political realities shaping life in Bishkek, and the role artists play in questioning the direction of a young nation.
TCA: You often describe your artistic practice as emerging from observation and your everyday experience. Did you grow up in a family that was into art?
Abdukakharova: Not at all. All the members of my family are pharmacists, and while my parents wanted me to go to medical school, I couldn’t; I’m really scared of blood! (laughs) I went to an architectural school instead.
I didn’t draw as a child, but I remember really liking to dismantle objects, whether it was toys or even a chair, furniture, and trying to put it back again… something I still love to do. The passion for drawing came only later on, in high school.
TCA: Your decision to study architecture in Bishkek came at a time when many young people in Kyrgyzstan still looked toward Russia for their education. Could you describe the circumstances that led you to that choice and the cultural expectations surrounding it?
Abdukakharova: When I finished high school in 2008, studying in Moscow was still seen as the best option. Unlike how it is today, growing up in Bishkek, there was a strong belief that anything coming from the former Soviet Union was inherently good. The teacher who helped me prepare university applications only suggested schools in Moscow or St. Petersburg; other countries were never really discussed, even though I already spoke English quite fluently. Looking back, I realize how dominant that perspective was at the time.
I took a gap year, thinking that I could go to an art school later, maybe the Moscow Surikov State Academic Institute of Fine Arts. In the end, my parents didn’t let me pursue that path, and now I think it might have been for the best.
If I had gone to study in Moscow, my development as an artist and architect would probably have taken a completely different direction. It would have shaped not only my education, but my perspective on art and the way I see the world today.
TCA: How would you describe the experience of studying architecture in Bishkek?
Abdukakharova: I studied architecture for six years. The first three were okay, but the last few years were really hard. There was a lot of corruption involved, and some professors were very difficult to work with. At some point, I really thought about quitting, but still, I graduated in 2014.
The training was very academic: we studied drawing for four years, painting for two, and sculpture for one, learning classical techniques and a very disciplined way of working.
For a long time, I remembered that period as plainly bad. But now that more time has passed, I’ve started thinking that anything, good or bad, leaves some experience in your life. Even today, when people see my works, they often say it feels like I was taught as an architect.
TCA: How did you first encounter contemporary art practices?
Abdukakharova: During my third year at university, a professor invited me to do a summer internship at a museum studio connected to both architecture and contemporary art. The head of the studio is an architect and curator, and that environment introduced me to contemporary artistic practices.
From there, with two friends, we created a collective called Ten Points. We participated in a local festival for three years while we were studying. After graduation, we stopped working as a group, but I continued my path in the arts.
TCA: Your work frequently incorporates textiles and felt, materials deeply embedded in Kyrgyz nomadic traditions. How did you begin working with those mediums?
Abdukakharova: I started with textiles. I bought myself a small loom, and I began weaving abstract works. I showed those pieces in a group show, and that was the starting point. In 2018, I took a short course in wet-felting. A woman who is now a very close friend gave us a basic knowledge of working with wool and making felt. I really enjoyed it.
Today, I continue to explore those techniques through collaborations with local craftspeople. I’m working with a local manufacturer called Tumar. They helped me enlarge my drawings using the technique of ala-kiyiz, which is a very ancient Kyrgyz wet-felting technique for carpets, which is now under threat of disappearing.
TCA: Your work often engages with social and political realities in Bishkek, yet it rarely does so in a direct or didactic way. How do you approach political themes in your practice, and what role does art play for you in addressing these issues?
Abdukakharova: Politics is both part of my art and my life. I think it’s important to talk about social and political issues in the country, especially because today there are fewer possibilities to express disagreement publicly.
A few years ago, there were peaceful demonstrations in Bishkek. These were not aggressive protests, just quiet collective walks to show that people cared about certain issues. But in the last couple of years, demonstrations have been prohibited in the city.
Because of that, I feel that speaking about these topics through art, or even just continuing to discuss them with people around me, becomes increasingly important. Even in everyday conversations, I sometimes realize that people around me may not fully recognize certain problems, and I feel a responsibility to keep raising these questions.
TCA: One of these concerns is air pollution in Bishkek, which you address in your ongoing series, Smog Parallel City. How did this project begin?
Abdukakharova: In winter in Bishkek, the air pollution becomes extremely heavy, and yet many people still don’t seem to realize how serious it is. Sometimes I walk through the city and see young mothers outside with their babies in strollers while the air is full of smoke, and it makes me feel very sad, because it can really affect people’s health.
For me, it is also very personal - my daughter has allergies, and I often think about how the polluted air might influence children growing up in the city. At first, I approached smoke purely as a physical condition, as the visible pollution that surrounds us; but over time, I began to understand that it could also function as a metaphor.
Now I often speak about “political smoke” as well, a kind of atmosphere of obscurity or confusion that surrounds our daily lives. So, in an abstract manner, the series continues to refer to very real environmental problems, but at the same time, it reflects a broader feeling about the conditions in which society exists today.
TCA: Migration is another central theme in your practice, particularly in the project Kyrgyzstan: Country of Migrants. What inspired that work?
Abdukakharova: The project was born from a reflection on national postage stamps. Usually, they show things a country is proud of: flowers, buildings, and famous athletes.
There is a lot of labor migration to Russia. Many people live in very poor conditions there. Sometimes, twenty people sleep in one room, and they endure these conditions in order to send money home. They support families and keep the economy of Kyrgyzstan alive. That’s why I dedicated the stamps to professionals, like cleaners, waitresses, delivery workers, and taxi drivers. I feel migrants are the national heroes of Kyrgyzstan.
TCA: Another work of yours, Up on Manas, Down on Sovetskaya, reflects on the many cultural and political influences shaping Bishkek today. How did you translate these ideas into the textile form?
Abdukakharova: The idea came from the titles of bus routes in Bishkek. On the buses, street names are often shortened, and when you read them, you start noticing how many different historical layers exist in the city at the same time. For example, people still say Sovetskaya or Moskovskaya; Soviet-era names that officially no longer exist, but remain in everyday language.
At the same time, there are other references, like Silk Way Street, which points to connections with China, or Manas Street, named after the Kyrgyz national hero. Seeing these names together made me think about the different influences shaping the country today: the Soviet past that still lingers in people’s memories, the increasing presence of Chinese businesses and their cheap goods in Bishkek, the growing influence of religion in rural communities, and the nationalist rhetoric in public space.
In the work, I translated these ideas into textiles using patchwork and embroidery. I stitched together pieces of fabric and incorporated the names and symbols into the surface, almost like assembling fragments of a map. The process relates to traditional Kyrgyz textile practices, where different fabrics are sewn together by hand, but here the composition becomes a way of reflecting on these overlapping histories and directions.
This got me thinking about how global political tensions reach even a small country like Kyrgyzstan. Around the war between Russia and Ukraine, for example, with friends taking different sides; I feel that for us, living in such a small country, it is important to remain united.
What matters most is that our home remains a home. At the same time, I also feel concerned about how rapidly capitalism is entering Bishkek, because it sometimes seems that we’re losing things that are essential to this place.
I’m not talking about nationalism, but about protecting what’s unique about our culture, and thinking about what we want to preserve and pass on to future generations.
TCA: What role does the community in Bishkek play in sustaining your art practice?
Abdukakharova: Most of my exhibitions are in this local context. I know that for an artist’s career, this is not considered very good, because you don’t earn much money. But the local community of artists is very important for me. They are the people who keep me here in Bishkek. I’m also very inspired by the older generation of artists. Even when the situation becomes very difficult, they remain calm and continue creating art.
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