Over 100,000 Uzbek Workers Recruited to Work in Russia in 2025

Around 106,000 citizens of Uzbekistan went to work in Russia in 2025 through organised recruitment programs, according to a report prepared by Rahim Khakimov, Deputy Adviser to the President of Uzbekistan, and cited by the Russian state news agency TASS. The report states that about 50,000 of these workers were employed by major companies, including Gazprom, Lukoil, Kamaz, AvtoVAZ, Ozon, and SPAR. Overall, an estimated 1.3 million Uzbek citizens are currently working in Russia on a temporary basis. The document also highlights ongoing efforts to simplify labor migration procedures. Agreements reached in 2025 provide for the partial transfer of work patent processing stages to Uzbekistan, allowing migrants to complete key formalities before departure. Authorities also plan to expand Russian-language testing by opening new centres in the cities of Jizzakh and Andijan to better serve the densely populated Fergana Valley, where nearly one-third of the country’s population lives. At the same time, migration trends are gradually shifting. According to Uzbekistan’s Central Bank, Uzbek labor migrants are no longer concentrated solely in traditional destinations such as Russia, Kazakhstan, South Korea, and Turkey. Increasing numbers are seeking employment opportunities in Europe and other parts of Asia. This diversification is reflected in remittance flows. Data show that transfers to Uzbekistan from the United Kingdom have increased by 39% in recent years, while remittances from European Union countries have risen by 37%. Significant growth has also been recorded from countries such as Ireland, Croatia, Slovakia, Lithuania, and the Netherlands, as well as from the United States and South Korea. Analysts attribute this trend to stable demand for labor abroad, relatively steady wage levels, and favorable currency exchange rates. According to the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), Uzbek labor migrants typically send home between $200 and $300 per month. Separate estimates from the Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford suggest that migrants in the United Kingdom remit between £1,000 and £3,300 annually per person. Overall, the average yearly remittance per recipient in Uzbekistan is estimated at between $2,000 and $4,000. Alongside these broader trends, consular support for Uzbek citizens abroad continues. On March 22, the Dunyo news agency reported that representatives of Uzbekistan’s embassy visited a Temporary Detention Center for Foreign Citizens in Russia’s Tula region. During the visit, Consul General Mehriddin Khairiddinov reviewed living conditions and held talks with Russian officials on accelerating document processing and facilitating the return of detained Uzbek nationals. “Supporting fellow citizens and providing them with the necessary assistance remain among the priority tasks of the diplomatic mission,” Khairiddinov said, emphasizing that the protection of citizens’ rights is a key principle of Uzbekistan’s state policy.

Taxing the Gig Economy in Kazakhstan

Beginning in 2026, Kazakhstan plans to introduce enhanced oversight of citizens’ mobile transfers. Officially, the measure is framed as part of efforts to combat tax evasion. In practice, however, it represents a large-scale fiscalization of the gig economy, which employs hundreds of thousands of taxi drivers and couriers. The primary focus of the campaign is workers on digital platforms, including ride-hailing and delivery services. The authorities classify them as individual entrepreneurs who underreport or conceal income. Yet the economic reality is more complex: for many, this is less a shadow economy than a form of concealed unemployment operating under the label of “self-employment.” Hidden Unemployment Rather Than a Shadow Economy In recent years, the gig economy in Kazakhstan has become structurally significant. Industry estimates suggest that hundreds of thousands of people now work through digital platforms, and the number continues to rise. For most drivers and couriers, this is not supplementary income but their principal, and often only, source of earnings. The drivers of this trend are well known: limited job opportunities in many regions and a persistently high household debt burden. Elevated levels of consumer lending have compelled many citizens to seek fast, accessible sources of income, even where margins are thin. At the same time, tax authorities treat these workers as entrepreneurs who deliberately avoid taxation. However, they lack core characteristics of independent businesses: they do not set tariffs, generate demand, or accumulate capital. Their status more closely resembles digitally mediated wage labor without corresponding social protections. Tax on Turnover, Not Profit Platform-based work is highly sensitive to additional costs. Digital aggregators typically retain commissions of 20-25% on each order. The remainder is not net profit but gross turnover, from which drivers must cover fuel, maintenance, depreciation, and other operating expenses. Industry assessments indicate that a taxi driver’s net income after expenses rarely exceeds 40-50% of the order value. It is from this turnover that taxes are now expected to be withheld. Under the proposed model, platforms would act as tax agents, automatically deducting payments from each transaction. Options under discussion include a flat 4% rate or a system combining fixed social contributions with a 1% income tax. These measures are presented by officials as simplifying compliance and reducing administrative burdens. The central issue, however, is that taxation would occur before expenses are accounted for. For businesses with substantial profit margins, this may be manageable. For drivers operating on minimal profitability, it could prove critical. Digital Control as a Point of No Return Previously, some workers partially offset costs by accepting direct mobile transfers, operating in what officials describe as a “gray zone.” This avenue is set to narrow significantly. Under the current financial monitoring framework, if an individual receives transfers from 100 or more different senders over three consecutive months, the information is automatically transmitted to tax authorities. For taxi drivers, this threshold may be reached within days of active work. As a result, opportunities for informal adjustment are effectively disappearing. Who Ultimately Bears the Cost Digital...