• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00202 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10618 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00202 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10618 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00202 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10618 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00202 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10618 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00202 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10618 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00202 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10618 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00202 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10618 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00202 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10618 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
12 February 2026

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 6

From Rupture to Resilience: Kazakhstan’s Political Recalibration After January 2022

The upcoming anniversary of the events that started on 2 January 2022 in Kazakhstan invites a measured reflection rather than simple retrospection. The protests and subsequent violence marked a decisive turning point in the country’s recent history, exposing deep structural challenges and forcing a reassessment of the relationship between state and society.  More than merely presenting an occasion to recall a time of crisis, this anniversary should also serve as an opportunity to assess how Kazakhstan has since evolved — specifically, whether the lessons of that rupture have been translated into durable political reforms and have created a more resilient path forward. Remembering the onset and evolution of the events The January 2022 protests were triggered by a sudden surge in liquefied petroleum gas prices, a critical cost for many households, particularly in western regions of Kazakhstan. The immediate economic shock quickly gave rise to broader demands rooted in long-standing grievances over rising living costs, inequality, corruption, and the concentration of political power. The violent escalation also unfolded against resistance from some political elites to President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s emerging reform agenda. As Svante E. Cornell of the Washington D.C.-based Central Asia Caucasus Institute notes, efforts to curb entrenched patronage networks and rebalance authority had already generated opposition within the ruling elite, and the January crisis exposed these internal fractures. This context helps explain why the unrest moved beyond socioeconomic protests to a direct challenge to constitutional order. Initially peaceful, the demonstrations deteriorated as state authority weakened and organized groups linked to the old political elite exploited the unrest, transforming socioeconomic protest into coordinated violence. While the relative roles of spontaneous escalation, elite manipulation, and institutional failure remain contested, armories were raided, government buildings set ablaze, and security forces attacked in a coordinated manner, most notably in Almaty. Official figures put the death toll at at least 238, including 19 law-enforcement officers, marking a clear rupture between legitimate protest and armed unrest driven by criminal networks, intra-elite contestation, and failures of command and control. Had the violent seizure of power by non-constitutional means succeeded, it would likely have entrenched authority through force, foreclosed institutional reform, and plunged Kazakhstan into prolonged instability and isolation. Investigations followed the January 2022 violence, but key aspects—including the sequence of events and responsibility for deaths of peaceful civilians—have not been fully clarified in a comprehensive public account. While the state restored order and proceeded with reforms, dissatisfaction persists, particularly from some of the families of the deceased. Subsequent reforms and policy shifts After January 2022, President Tokayev moved quickly to stabilize the country and initiate a series of political and constitutional reforms. The unrest exposed longstanding structural imbalances in governance and state–society relations, reinforcing the rationale for a reform agenda centered on a “Fair and Just Kazakhstan” and a state more responsive to citizens’ needs.  Significant constitutional changes adopted by referendum in June of 2022 were a key part of this process. These reforms reduced the concentration of presidential power, strengthened parliament, limited presidential terms, eased...

Kazakhstan Launches Sweeping Reform of Law Enforcement System

President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has announced a major reform of Kazakhstan’s law enforcement system, signaling a new phase in his broader political modernization agenda. Experts view the initiative as a natural progression of his previous institutional reforms. Crime Rates Decline, But Challenges Remain At an expanded meeting of law enforcement agencies on June 23, President Tokayev tasked his administration and the Security Council with conducting a comprehensive analysis of the sector within one week. The resulting report is expected to openly identify shortcomings and offer targeted solutions. Tokayev noted that since 2019, Kazakhstan's streets have become "calmer and safer." Overall, criminal offenses have nearly halved. Robberies, thefts, and hooliganism have decreased fourfold, and the murder rate has dropped by 30%. Crimes in public places have declined by 80%. The president also highlighted progress in combating domestic violence. A 2024 law introduced harsher penalties, contributing to a 30% decrease in crimes against women and children in 2025. Over five years, crimes violating women’s rights have halved. “The most important thing is that public awareness is changing. Our citizens show zero tolerance for cruelty and tyranny in the family. Victims of aggression and violence receive the necessary support,” Tokayev said. Law enforcement agencies also intensified operations against drug-related crime this year. Eighty-three drug laboratories were dismantled, and drug seizures rose by 84%. Sentences for narcotics production have been strengthened, including the possibility of life imprisonment. Despite progress, Tokayev acknowledged persistent gaps that pose risks to national security. Economic Transparency and Anti-Corruption Measures The share of the shadow economy has declined from 23% of GDP in 2019 to 16%. While the figure remains high, Tokayev emphasized that the government continues to support law-abiding entrepreneurs while addressing unjustified criminal prosecutions of domestic businesses. The president also underscored that the General Prosecutor’s Office is monitoring hundreds of infrastructure projects involving foreign investment, totaling 34 trillion tenge ($66 million). Anti-corruption efforts remain a cornerstone of Tokayev’s agenda. Court-ordered funds confiscated from corrupt officials have financed public infrastructure: over the past three years, 150 billion tenge have been allocated to build 89 schools. Amnesty and Penal Reform In honor of the 30th anniversary of Kazakhstan’s Constitution, Tokayev announced an amnesty for more than 15,000 inmates. The clemency applies primarily to women, minors, and the elderly. Excluded are those convicted of corruption, terrorism, extremism, sexual crimes against minors, and other grave offenses. Tokayev noted several recent judicial reforms, including the creation of a Constitutional Court, expanded powers for the human rights commissioner, and the abolition of the death penalty. The president also advocated for adopting international best practices in rehabilitating convicts. “Their return to normal life will be the best proof of the success of prison reform,” he said, citing international models where inmates can earn “credits” toward early release through good behavior, education, and participation in cultural and athletic programs. Tokayev called on local entrepreneurs to open production facilities in correctional institutions. “Such mutually beneficial partnerships are widespread abroad. The money earned will allow convicts to get back...

Tajikistan Decriminalizes Likes and Other Reactions to Provocative Social Media Posts

Tajik citizens need no longer fear that they will be imprisoned for clicking “like” on social media posts that the Tajik authorities do not like. Among several laws that Tajik President Emomali Rahmon signed on May 14 was one that decriminalized liking posts on social networks that originate from individuals or organizations the Tajik government considers extremist. Crackdown on Social Media In 2018, President Rahmon signed amendments to Article 179 of the Criminal Code, making it a crime to repost, comment favorably on, or like posts that, in the opinion of Tajik authorities, are public calls to commit or justify acts of violence and terrorism. According to that law, those found guilty of liking such posts face up to 15 years in prison. Since the law came into effect, 1,507 Tajik citizens have been imprisoned. The Tajik authorities often have a broad interpretation of what constitutes public calls to commit or justify serious crimes or acts of terrorism, but it usually boils down to comments that are critical of the Tajik government. Weeks after the law was passed, Alijon Sharipov, a resident of the Vakhsh district in Tajikistan’s southern Khatlon Region, was sentenced to 9.5 years in prison for reposting a video of an interview with the leader of the banned Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan, Muhiddin Kabiri. In July 2019, Ibrohim Kosimov from the western Tajik city of Panjakent received the same prison sentence for “pushing ‘likes’ and ‘shares’ on the posts belong[ing] to opposition figures.” An activist of the Democratic Party of Tajikistan, Rustam Mamajonov, was sentenced to seven years in prison in June 2021 for reposting a video of Sharofiddin Gadoyev, a leader of the banned organization, Group 24. Mamajonov, who was 59 years old at the time, said he did not know how the video appeared on his Facebook page and the repost was a mistake caused by his poor knowledge of how to use the platform. Tajik political activist Abdullo Shamsiddin was deported from Germany back to Tajikistan in January 2023 and was convicted weeks later in March of sedition and sentenced to seven years in prison. Shamsiddin’s trial was held behind closed doors and it was difficult to obtain details about the case, but apparently, he was convicted for clicking “like” on a social network post, though there is no information about what was in the post. Shamsiddinov’s case shows the social network use of Tajik citizens who are outside Tajikistan is also being monitored by Tajik authorities. A Strange Change of Heart The reasons for the decision to decriminalize “posting a like or other sign on social networks,” as it officially reads in the law Rahmon signed, is unclear. Certainly, rights groups have called on the Tajik authorities to overturn the decision to criminalize likes, comments, or reposts of what to the Tajik government are undesirable posts on social networks. However, for years Tajikistan’s government has ignored appeals from rights organizations, the United Nations, and individual governments over the Tajik authorities’ rights abuses....

Unlocking Potential: Education Reform Necessary for Central Asia’s Economic Rise

Central Asian countries have made remarkable progress in providing universal access to education, showcasing their commitment to developing their human capital. According to recent data, the region boasts impressive enrolment rates, with students averaging 12.6 years of primary and secondary education — nearing the maximum limit of 14 years. Even more striking is that approximately 40% of young adults successfully graduate from universities, exceeding the global average of 31%, and private education in the region is also growing competitively, with the number of higher education institutions in particular doubling in the last two to five years, reflecting the region's commitment to higher education. Despite the significant strides made in access to education and levels of academic achievement, a disconcerting trend is emerging: students' academic performance is declining. This troubling shift becomes apparent through the diminishing scores recorded on standardized assessments, most notably the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA), which gauges the competencies of 15-year-olds globally. Over the last decade, the decline in math scores among Central Asian students has been particularly alarming, reflecting a staggering regression equivalent to the loss of an entire year of formal schooling. This deterioration in academic performance raises critical concerns, as it jeopardizes not only the prospects of these students but the whole region's broader economic potential and workforce capabilities. The implications of such a decline are profound, threatening to undermine the foundation of growth and innovation that education is meant to support. Mental arithmetic is traditionally defined as the ability to perform precise calculations without any reliance on external tools such as paper, pencils, mechanical calculators, or computers. This skill, widely known is crucial in a child's mathematical education and development. In Central Asia, mental arithmetic has gained immense popularity as an educational approach, particularly targeting children between the ages of 4 and 16. This method emphasizes the cultivation of mental calculation skills through various engaging tools, with the abacus being one of the most prominent. Instead of depending solely on written calculations or electronic devices, this approach aims to enhance a child’s cognitive abilities, fostering essential skills such as mental retention, focus, and practical problem-solving strategies. Moreover, it instills confidence in their mathematical capabilities while nurturing a genuine appreciation for the subject. By mastering mental arithmetic, students improve their mathematical prowess and gain significant advantages — especially for those aspiring to enter fields such as policymaking that rely heavily on Information technology, science, statistics, and economics. While modern technology has introduced tools like calculators and sophisticated spreadsheets to handle complex computations, the benefits of proficient mental math skills are undeniable. Such skills can significantly enhance a policymaker’s efficiency, accuracy, and decision-making capabilities in various real-world scenarios. Here are some reasons why these skills are crucial: Faster Data Analysis and Estimations Economists often deal with large datasets, percentages, and financial projections. Mental arithmetic helps them quickly estimate trends, identify errors, and make fast decisions without always relying on tools. Improved Problem-Solving and Logical Thinking Mental math strengthens the brain’s cognitive flexibility, helping economists...