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From Migrant to Militant: Uzbekistan Sentences Jihadist

A district court in Uzbekistan just sentenced a 46-year-old Uzbek citizen, Obid Saparov from Kashkadarya Province, to 16 years in prison for joining the Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP) militant group and being involved in a 2022 rocket attack on an Uzbek border city. Saparov’s involvement with Islamic militant groups predates the rocket attack by nearly a decade, and the evidence gathered by investigators offers a rare and fascinating look at this Uzbek citizen’s journey into jihadism. From Migrant Laborer to Islamic Militant The beginnings of Saparov’s radicalization are a common story for hundreds of Central Asian citizens who joined militant groups in the Middle East or Afghanistan. Saparov went to Ufa, Russia, as a migrant laborer in June 2013. He found audio and video material on the internet produced by extremist groups such as the Islamic Movement of Turkestan and the “Jihodchilar” (“Jihadists). Saparov came into contact with members of the Jihadists in Ufa and in August 2013 left Russia for Baku, and from there went to Zahedan, Iran, and in March 2014 crossed into Afghanistan and eventually reached the town of Mirali in Waziristan, Pakistan. There, according to Uzbek media reports, he joined the Islamic Movement of Turkestan. The name of this group is interesting because in a kun.uz report, it mentions that when Saparov was in Ufa, some of the extremist material he found online was based on the ideas of Tohir Yuldash. Yuldash helped found the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) terrorist organization and led the group until he was killed in a U.S. drone strike in Pakistan in August 2009. The IMU aimed to overthrow the Uzbek government and staged armed incursions into Uzbekistan in 1999 and 2000. The IMU were allies of the Taliban and were in Afghanistan when the U.S.-led military operations started in late 2001. The IMU suffered heavy losses, and the remnants of the group, including Yuldash, fled across the border into Pakistan. Ten Years of Militancy Saparov underwent training at camps in Pakistan after he arrived, and later worked in a militant “supply center.” According to the Uzbek media reports, the Islamic Movement of Turkestan splintered at the start of 2016, and Saparov joined a militant group from the Islamic State that was operating in Jalalabad, Afghanistan. The IMU was still based in Pakistan in August 2015 when its leader, Usman Ghazi, swore an oath to the Islamic State, and the IMU split. Part of the IMU followed Ghazi into Afghanistan (where most were killed in fighting in Zabul and Herat provinces), and most of the others went into northeastern Afghanistan. However, the ISKP did have a presence in Jalalabad that lasted until after the Taliban returned to power in August 2021. Uzbek investigators said Saparov joined the ISKP and was with the group from 2016 to 2024. Saparov was involved in staging attacks in Jalalabad, Kunduz, Mazar-i-Sharif, and Kabul. Saparov’s group fought against the Afghan government and foreign troops, and against the Taliban. Saparov was also engaged in...

Human rights Soviet Legacy Courts Political Repression

Kazakhstan: Court Says 1986 Protester Was Victim of Political Repression

Four decades after participating in anti-Soviet protests in Kazakhstan, a 64-year-old man has been recognized as a victim of political repression by a court in the former Soviet republic. The ruling is part of a sweeping effort by Kazakhstan’s government to rehabilitate the reputations of people who faced persecution during Soviet rule, which ended when the country became independent in 1991. Many cases go back to a time of forced resettlement, famine and execution nearly a century ago, drawing on documents and the expertise of scholars and other specialists that lay bare historical trauma even as Kazakhstan maintains close trade and diplomatic ties with its neighbor, Russia. On Thursday, Kazakhstan’s Supreme Court released a statement about a more recent case, saying a resident of Aktobe city in western Kazakhstan who was a philosophy and economics student at Kazakh State University had been expelled for allegedly disturbing public order. “The reason for his expulsion was his detention by law enforcement officers on December 18, 1986 - on suspicion of participating in the December events, without charges being brought,” the court said. It did not name the student. The so-called December events refer to a 1986 protest movement called the Jeltoqsan that young people began in Almaty, then known as Alma-Ata. The demonstrations escalated into clashes with Soviet security forces and lasted for several days. The catalyst for the upheaval was the removal of Dinmukhamed Kunaev, an ethnic Kazakh who was the first secretary of Kazakhstan’s Communist Party, and his replacement with an ethnic Russian. The direct challenge to authority highlighted the erosion of Moscow’s control that would eventually end with the collapse of the Soviet Union. According to Kazakhstan’s Supreme Court, the student who was detained was freed, but he was expelled from the Communist Party, faced persecution, and couldn’t find a job. His wife was also turned down for jobs. Between 1990 and 1993, the couple and their three young children had to rent housing and were in a “socially vulnerable position,” the court said. This year, the man, now 64 years old, filed a lawsuit to be recognized as a victim of political repression because of his participation in the 1986 protests. Court No. 3 of Aktobe agreed that he had been subjected to political persecution, including restrictions on labor rights, the Supreme Court said. The Aktobe court based its decision on documents from the university and the prosecutor's office, as well as witness testimony. Kazakhstan’s law on rehabilitation of victims of political repression can provide for the restoration of violated rights as well as financial compensation.

Rukhshona Khakimova Courts United Nations Media Freedom Human rights

UN Official Urges Tajikistan to Release, Retry Woman Convicted of Treason

A United Nations human rights expert has joined in calls for the release and retrial of a 31-year-old mother in Tajikistan who was convicted of treason and sentenced to eight years in prison after her research on Chinese aid to the Central Asian country allegedly aroused the suspicion of authorities. A U.N. statement described Rukhshona Khakimova as a “journalist and woman human rights defender” and said it appeared that she had not received a fair trial and may have been targeted for “legitimate human rights journalism” rather than any wrongdoing. “The case was part of a broader criminal investigation involving former senior officials and politicians allegedly accused of extremism, espionage, and an attempted coup,” said the U.N. announcement, which was released on Wednesday. “Her charges allegedly stemmed from interviews she conducted for a research project on international aid from China to Tajikistan, where she reportedly spoke with two defendants, asking general questions not related to classified information.” In recent years, China has developed an increasingly robust role as an investor and security partner for Tajikistan, which has a long border with Afghanistan and concerns about militant infiltration. Mary Lawlor, the U.N.’s special rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, said it was “heartbreaking” that Khakimova had been separated from her two young children because the court sent her to jail. Lawlor said Khakimova had a right to a fair and transparent trial and that she was in contact with the Tajik government about the matter. Tajikistan’s Supreme Court convicted and sentenced Khakimova on Feb. 5. The verdict was upheld on April 2. International human rights and media groups have also called for Khakimova’s release. So far, Tajik authorities have not responded publicly to the appeals, which reflect concern about a deteriorating human rights situation in Tajikistan. However, President Emomali Rahmon removed one restriction on Wednesday, signing a law that “abolishes criminal liability for posting likes or other marks on social networks,” according to the president’s office. The restriction had previously been used to prosecute people accused of endorsing extremist posts on social media, though critics alleged the ban was a way to muzzle opposition to the government.

Investments Justice Court Cases Stati Legal Dispute Courts

Moldovan Businessmen Hail Tokayev’s Role in Resolving Stati Dispute

On December 18, the protracted legal dispute between Kazakh authorities and Moldovan businessmen Anatol and Gabriel Stati over oil and gas assets was finally resolved. Following the agreement, the Stati representatives expressed gratitude to Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev for his leadership in reaching the settlement. The Ministry of Justice of Kazakhstan reported that the resolution concludes a legal saga that spanned 15 years and impacted Kazakhstan's reputation as an investment-friendly nation. The ministry stated that the government, the National Bank of Kazakhstan, and the Stati parties, with the support of Tristan Oil’s leading creditors, successfully finalized the settlement process. “The signed Final Settlement Agreement forms the basis for the termination of all ongoing disputes, with no possibility of reopening them in the future. The specific terms of the agreement remain confidential,” the Ministry of Justice emphasized. Daniel Chapman, CEO of Argentem Creek Partners - investment manager for funds that are creditors of Tristan Oil Limited, the Stati family’s investment vehicle - praised the resolution. “This settlement and Kazakhstan’s approach to ensuring a fair resolution underscore the country’s respect for investor rights. We thank President Tokayev for his leadership, which has positively reshaped how foreign investors view Kazakhstan. We look forward to collaborating on new projects,” Chapman said. Kazakhstan’s Minister of Justice, Azamat Yeskarayev, noted the settlement’s significance for the nation’s economic future. “The resolution of this longstanding dispute creates additional opportunities for economic growth and investment,” he said, emphasizing that no funds from the national budget were used in the settlement process. The case had involved extensive litigation across multiple jurisdictions over 15 years. While the exact legal costs incurred by Kazakhstan remain undisclosed, the settlement signals a major step forward in resolving disputes with foreign investors and rebuilding trust.

Azerbaijan Corruption Law and Order Matriamov Courts Sadyr Japarov

Capital Over Confinement in Sentencing of Raimbek “Millions” Matraimov

Raimbek Matraimov, infamously known as “Millions” for his tremendous wealth, once wielded immense power in Kyrgyzstan. Rising to prominence as deputy chairman of Kyrgyzstan’s Customs Service from 2015 to 2017, Matraimov’s tenure became synonymous with corruption and organized crime. His activities, alleged to have funneled monumental sums of money through shadowy operations, fashioned him not only as a dominant figure within the Customs Service but also as a key player in Kyrgyzstan’s criminal underworld. The Rise of Raimbek Matraimov During his time in the Customs Service, Matraimov amassed an extraordinary fortune. His influence extended beyond bureaucratic corridors, infiltrating the political landscape of Kyrgyzstan. Whispers of his role as an organized crime leader were persistent, yet his wealth and connections left him virtually untouchable in those years. Speculation about his political influence peaked after the dramatic rise of Sadyr Japarov to Kyrgyzstan’s presidency in October 2020. Japarov’s elevation, from prison to the highest office amidst a tide of civil unrest, prompted many to suspect that Matraimov’s financial backing played a decisive role in the ascent. However, despite Japarov-appointed head of Kyrgyzstan’s State National Security Committee (GKNB), Kamchybek Tashiyev once describing him as a “good guy,” if Matraimov hoped to shelter under Japarov's influence, his expectations were soon dashed. The Turning Point Japarov’s administration showed no hesitation in targeting Kyrgyzstan’s entrenched criminal networks. With Matraimov having bounced in and out of jail since October 2020, by October 2023, the GKNB had escalated their crackdown on organized crime, culminating in the death of Kamchybek Kolbayev, the country’s top crime kingpin - a member of the “Bratva” linked to heroin trafficking - during a security operation in Bishkek. Sensing the shifting winds, Matraimov fled Kyrgyzstan shortly after Kolbayev's death. However, his flight only seemed to intensify the resolve of the government in his homeland, where the authorities began seizing Matraimov's assets and investigating his allies. Among those implicated was Matraimov’s brother, Iskender, a parliamentary deputy with significant political connections. Extradition and Arrest In late March 2024, Kyrgyzstan’s crackdown on Matraimov escalated when the GKNB detained five Azerbaijani nationals in Bishkek. These individuals, suspected members of a transnational organized crime group, were allegedly dispatched by Matraimov from Azerbaijan to assassinate top Kyrgyz government officials. This accusation - one of countless similar claims regarding assassination attempts made by the Kyrgyz authorities this year alone - led to diplomatic action, and March 26, 2024, Matraimov along with three of his brothers were extradited from Baku to Kyrgyzstan. Upon his arrival, Matraimov was immediately taken into custody. The legal net tightened further as the case against him unfolded, with allegations of illegal border crossings, hooliganism involving weapons, money laundering, and broader accusations regarding his criminal empire. Asset Seizures and Financial Settlements Prior to his sentencing, Matraimov had reportedly returned $200 million to the state budget, equivalent to over 17 billion Kyrgyz som, to be released from custody to house arrest pending his trial. Authorities also confiscated significant assets, including a 14-story business center in...