Opinion: Kazakhstan’s Electoral Reforms – Why Officials and Experts Are Reconsidering Local Democracy

The metaphor that history moves in a spiral has resurfaced in Kazakhstan, where ongoing debates over electoral reform and information policy are testing the boundaries of the country’s democratic trajectory. Recent official messaging points toward a more managed model of political participation, framed as a necessary response to emerging challenges. This trajectory was articulated by State Councilor Erlan Karin in his article, "The Politics of Common Sense," published in the state-run Kazakhstanskaya Pravda. In the piece, Karin reflects on the formation of public values in Kazakhstan, portraying it as an evolutionary process. Simultaneously, Karin references government-led social programs, such as “Law and Order,” “Clean Kazakhstan,” and “Adal Azamat” - a program focused on building character, promoting civic responsibility, and fostering national unity - as instruments of state-directed civic education. Karin reiterates his previously stated position on the existence of “red lines” in public discourse, sensitive subjects such as interethnic relations, religion, language, and foreign policy. While insisting that these topics should not be off-limits, he calls for “common sense” in how they are discussed. “When it comes to public stability, the state will not compromise,” he asserts, adding that the government will lawfully oppose any attempts at “destructive information influence and incitement to hatred.” Karin also highlights what he describes as a new category of problematic actors: "This spring, I drew attention to a phenomenon known as ‘inforeket,’ in which certain bloggers and activists engage in outright extortion. This practice stems from past policies of appeasement toward disruptive elements, which encouraged the rise of pseudo-public figures, bloggers, and ‘tame oppositionists.’ Now abandoned by their once-powerful patrons and wealthy clients, they continue to seek income using outdated methods." In the same article, Karin names a group of experts, deputies, and public figures who contributed input to the new internal policy principles. Several of these individuals are currently advancing proposals to revise aspects of Kazakhstan’s electoral system—particularly the mechanisms for selecting district akims. Among them is Berik Abdygaliuly, political scientist, historian, and director of the National Museum of Kazakhstan. In a recent podcast, Abdygaliuly argued for reconsidering the model of electing district akims. He noted that while more than 3,000 rural akims and maslikhat deputies have been elected in recent years, the outcomes have been mixed. Voter fatigue is mounting, he said, and the financial costs of repeated campaigns - amounting to hundreds of millions of tenge - have not corresponded with visible improvements in local governance. His proposal is that district akims should be chosen not by direct popular vote but by maslikhats, the local representative bodies empowered to demand reports, assess performance, express no confidence, and initiate dismissals. This idea quickly gained support from other commentators participating in public discussions of governance reform. Political analyst Marat Shibutov wrote on his Telegram channel that the electorate is “simply getting tired of elections” after several consecutive voting cycles since 2021. Shibutov supported the idea of “revising or freezing” the election mechanism for district akims as “rational.” Meanwhile, political scientist Andrey Chebotarev highlighted...

Kazakhstan Weighs a Unicameral Future: Tokayev’s Call to Scrap the Senate

One of the most debated elements of President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s annual address to the nation was his proposal for sweeping parliamentary reform. Tokayev suggested a return to a unicameral legislature, mirroring the single-chamber Supreme Council of the early post-independence years. “I personally had the honor of leading the Senate for ten years, and I have always regarded this work as a great privilege and responsibility,” Tokayev stated. “That’s why it is not easy for me to speak about parliamentary reform from this podium. Nevertheless, today I propose that in the foreseeable future, Kazakhstan consider creating a unicameral Parliament.” Tokayev went on to propose holding a national referendum on the issue in 2027. From Supreme Council to Bicameralism: Lessons of a Political Crisis The Supreme Council of the 13th convocation, elected in March 1994, quickly fell into conflict with then-President Nursultan Nazarbayev. Citing a constitutional discrepancy, Nazarbayev dissolved the council in March 1995, leaving Kazakhstan without a legislative body until December of that year. Kazakhstan’s current bicameral system, comprising the Mazhilis (lower house) and the Senate (upper house), emerged as a response to that political crisis. Initially, the Mazhilis included both party-list and independent candidates, though the system later shifted toward proportional representation. In 2022, the mixed system was reinstated, allowing for majority candidates once again. The Senate, meanwhile, has historically served to counterbalance the more agile Mazhilis. Senators are chosen through regional maslikhat voting or appointed directly by the president, a practice introduced under Nazarbayev. Critics argue this has enabled the central government to neutralize local dissent or sideline bureaucrats by sending them to a largely ceremonial upper chamber. The Senate’s inertia became especially problematic during past confrontations between the executive branch and parts of the Mazhilis. In 2001-2002, then Prime Minister Tokayev even threatened to resign unless Nazarbayev dismissed several cabinet members linked to the reformist Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan (QDT). Facing mounting political pressure, Nazarbayev promptly removed officials, including Deputy Prime Minister Oraz Jandosov and Deputy Defense Minister Jannat Ertlesova, among others. That political standoff, clearly not forgotten by Tokayev, may explain his desire to simplify the legislative structure and reduce expenses tied to maintaining the Senate. Reform Proposal Met with Mixed Reactions Kazakh media and political experts were quick to weigh in on the announcement. Most agreed on two points: the Senate has long been criticized, and Tokayev remains committed to opening up major reforms to public debate. Still, the initial wave of enthusiasm quickly gave way to more cautious analyses. Political scientist Daniyar Ashimbayev expressed concerns on his Telegram channel about regional representation in a purely party-list system. He noted that bicameralism is not exclusive to federal states and pointed out that Kazakhstan’s diverse regions have varying interests requiring nuanced representation. According to Ashimbayev, the Senate has functioned as a "collective lobbyist" and as a "social elevator" for regional elites. Single-mandate deputies, he argued, have also served similar functions. This critique highlights a less-discussed element of Tokayev’s reform: eliminating majority-elected deputies, a key feature of the...