Power Struggle - The Times Of Central Asia

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Rule of law

Kyrgyz Court Upholds Ex-Security Chief Tashiyev’s Conviction but Changes Charge

On September 10, the Bishkek City Court upheld convictions against former security chief Kamchybek Tashiyev and seven others, but changed the offense from plotting to overthrow the government to interfering with electoral rights. All eight had been convicted in July of plotting the violent overthrow of the government. They received four-year prison sentences, replaced by three years of probation. The change has added to the confusion surrounding the alleged plot. On September 14, Tashiyev’s lawyer asked the Prosecutor General’s Office to investigate the appeal judges’ actions, saying the defense had received no warning of the new charge. The Letter of 75 The saga started in February, when a group of 75 prominent figures in Kyrgyzstan released an open letter calling on President Japarov to call for an early presidential election. The group argued that Japarov was elected in January 2021 under the terms of the previous constitution, which allowed a president one six-year term in office. Several months after Japarov was elected, the country approved a new constitution that gave an individual the right to be elected to two five-year terms as president. Within hours of the letter’s publication, the authorities started rounding up some of the authors of the letter, and President Japarov dismissed his long-time friend Tashiyev as security chief. Japarov said he dismissed Tashiyev to “prevent a split in society,” and for weeks after that, the Kyrgyz president was evasive about the exact reason for sacking a man Japarov continued to call his close friend. In an interview in late April, parliamentary deputy Elvira Surabaldiyeva was the first Kyrgyz official to clarify that Tashiyev was being charged with planning a coup. The trial opened on June 15. Tashiyev’s co-defendants were former Prosecutor General Kurmankul Zulushev, former Parliamentary Speaker Nurlanbek Turgunbek uulu, former Deputy Interior Minister Kursan Asanov, former Deputy Prime Minister Aaly Karashev, and politicians Emilbek Uzakbayev, Bekbolot Talgarbekov, and Kurmanbek Dyykanbayev. On July 2, all eight were found guilty of plotting the violent overthrow of the government. The court imposed four-year prison sentences and ordered confiscation of their property, but replaced imprisonment with three years of probation. Most of the defendants and the prosecution appealed the court decision, setting the stage for the court ruling on September 10. Still Guilty, but of Something Different The prosecution sought to have the sentences increased to nine years in prison for all the defendants. The defendants, of course, wanted to be exonerated. On September 10, the Bishkek City Court rendered its verdict. All eight defendants were declared guilty, but not of attempting to overthrow the government. They were guilty of “interfering with exercising voting rights.” The court retained the four-year prison terms but again allowed all eight defendants to serve probation instead. It reduced probation from three years to two and lifted the property confiscation order. Zulushev’s lawyer has said he will appeal to the Supreme Court. Tashiyev’s lawyer has separately asked prosecutors to investigate the appeal judges’ actions, arguing that his client was convicted on a charge the...

Kamchybek Tashiyev

Kyrgyz Court Convicts Former Security Chief Tashiyev, Parliamentary Speaker, and Six Others

The trial of high-ranking Kyrgyz officials accused of plotting to overthrow the government concluded on July 2. All eight defendants, including the former chief of Kyrgyzstan’s security service and the former speaker of parliament, were found guilty and sentenced to four years in prison. However, none will actually serve any prison time as the court ordered them all placed on probation for the next three years. The Letter of 75 It all started on February 9, 2026, when a group of 75 people, including former state officials, released an open letter calling on President Sadyr Japarov and Speaker of Parliament Nurlanbek Turgunbek uulu to call an early presidential election. Japarov became acting president in the wake of the October 2020 protests that ousted President Sooronbai Jeenbekov. One of his first moves as acting president was to appoint his long-time friend Kamchybek Tashiyev to be the head of the State National Security Service (GKNB). The presidential election of January 2021 resulted in victory for Japarov, with a concurrent vote approving a change from a parliamentary to a presidential form of government. A new constitution was drafted and approved in a referendum in April 2021. Japarov was elected president under the constitution that was scrapped in that referendum. The previous constitution stipulated a president could serve one six-year term in office. The new constitution allowed a president to serve two five-year terms. The open letter the 75 people published said a snap presidential election could clarify Japarov’s term. But Japarov and others saw the letter as an attempt to oust him from power. On February 10, Japarov sacked Kamchybek Tashiyev and several of the authors of the open letter were detained, with Japarov saying this was necessary to “prevent a split in society.” Japarov was evasive about the reason, repeating that he and Tashiyev remained friends. In the days that followed, a series of top GKNB officials were dismissed, as were the governors of Kyrgyzstan’s second and third largest cities, Osh and Manas (formerly Jalal-Abad), respectively. Several ministers and officials in other state bodies were also changed. The government was restructured so that the GKNB was under the control of the president. Tashiyev was in Germany for a medical exam, and Turgunbek uulu was in Turkey when the open letter was released. Turgunbek uulu stepped down from his position and handed in his resignation as a parliamentary deputy directly after his returned to Kyrgyzstan. Tashiyev returned briefly on February 13, but only stayed in Kyrgyzstan for a few days before again leaving the country. He finally came back on March 19 for questioning by the Interior Ministry and has been in Kyrgyzstan since then, though he kept a low profile. It was clear early on that the state prosecutor was building an attempted coup case against some of the 75 authors of the letter. But Japarov and other officials declined to specify which charges Tashiyev might face, or whether he would face any charges at all. The announcement that Tashiyev was dismissed...

Kamchybek Tashiyev

Tashiyev Charged as Kyrgyzstan’s Elite Rift Deepens

Former head of Kyrgyzstan’s State Committee for National Security (GKNB), Kamchybek Tashiyev, has been charged under two articles of the criminal code, his lawyer said, amid signs of escalating political tension in the country. According to defense attorney Ikramidin Aitkulov, Tashiyev faces charges under Article 326, concerning forcible seizure or retention of power and actions aimed at forcibly changing the constitutional order, and Article 337, concerning abuse of office. The latter charge relates to alleged actions carried out for personal gain or for the benefit of others, and to conduct by a senior public official. A restraint measure has been imposed on Tashiyev in the form of a written undertaking not to leave his place of residence. After questioning at the Interior Ministry, he left the building late on April 29. His lawyer said the former official denies all charges. Tashiyev said he intends to defend himself through legal means. “I am innocent and, God willing, I will be acquitted,” he said in a statement. He also urged his supporters to remain calm and act within the law. Media reports suggest that former Prosecutor General Kurmankul Zulushev and former parliamentary speaker Nurlanbek Turgunbek uulu may also be linked to the same case, though their legal status remains unclear. The Interior Ministry has not publicly confirmed or denied reports that they were questioned. President Sadyr Japarov has previously said that any potential involvement by Tashiyev in the so-called “Letter of 75” should be determined by investigators and the courts. The letter, made public in February, urged Japarov and parliament to initiate an early presidential election, citing ambiguity over whether his current term should be treated under the six-year term in force at the time of his 2021 election or the five-year term introduced by the constitution adopted later that year. Tashiyev’s fall has been one of Kyrgyzstan’s most significant political ruptures since Japarov came to power after the 2020 upheaval. The two men had long been seen as the central tandem in Kyrgyz politics, with Japarov controlling the presidency and Tashiyev heading the security apparatus. That arrangement ended on February 10, when Japarov dismissed Tashiyev as GKNB chairman and deputy chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers. The official explanation was that the decision had been taken “in the interests of the state” and to prevent a split in society. The move was followed by a wider reshuffle inside the security services and parliament, where figures seen as close to Tashiyev came under pressure. The Times of Central Asia previously reported that Japarov’s decision appeared to have broken the Japarov-Tashiyev tandem that had shaped the country’s power structure since 2020. The political pressure on Tashiyev’s network intensified in March and April. Tashiyev returned to Kyrgyzstan in March after more than a month abroad and was questioned by the Interior Ministry in connection with Kyrgyzneftegaz, the state oil company. TCA previously reported that the State Tax Service had revived allegations involving the company and private entities linked to Tashiyev’s relatives or associates, while...

Power Struggle

Japarov, Tashiyev, and the Kompromat War

Kyrgyzstan has seen three revolutions since 2005. It has been a politically active country since becoming independent in late 1991, when the Soviet Union collapsed. But since the current President Sadyr Japarov came to power after the 2020 revolution, he and his long-time friend and security chief, Kamchybek Tashiyev, have stifled expressions of public discontent. For the last five years, Kyrgyzstan’s political scene has been uncharacteristically quiet. But events since Japarov sacked Tashiyev on February 10 have raised speculation that a fierce political battle between the two powerful men now looms ahead for the country. Japarov has already fired the first shots. Accusations of corruption against Tashiyev and his family have led to arrests. But two can play at that game, and the former security likely has compromising information about Japarov and his family. “You Can't Cook Two Sheep's Heads in One Cauldron” The February 10 announcement of Tashiyev’s firing was arguably Kyrgyzstan’s biggest political shock since the October 2020 revolution that saw Japarov go from a prison cell to simultaneously occupying the posts of prime minister and president within ten days. The two had been friends for decades, they started their political careers about the same time, and both quickly rose through the ranks of government during the presidency of Kurmanbek Bakiyev, who was ousted in the 2010 revolution. The day after he was confirmed as president, Japarov appointed Tashiyev to be head of the State Committee for National Security (GKNB). The day before Tashiyev was sacked, a group of 75 prominent figures, who included former government officials, released an open letter to President Japarov and the speaker of parliament calling for an early presidential election. The group pointed to the discrepancy over whether Japarov was serving the six-year presidential term mandated in the 2010 constitution or the five-year term stipulated in the constitution adopted in April 2021, three months after the snap presidential election that Japarov won. It quickly became apparent that Tashiyev’s dismissal and the letter were connected. The same day Tashiyev was fired, so were several top GKNB officials, with the sacking of officials said to be close to Tashiyev continuing for days. Japarov’s spokesman said it was necessary to “prevent a split in society.” However, Japarov has avoided any detailed explanation of the reasons for the many changes and repeatedly described Tashiyev as a friend. Member of Parliament Elvira Surabaldiyeva, in an April 24 interview with a Kazakh journalist, said Tashiyev was dismissed because he was planning a coup and had been preparing it for a long time. “The president is going through a very difficult time right now, because his longtime friend tried to remove him from office,” Surabaldiyeva said, and added, “There's a saying: ‘You can't cook two sheep's heads in one cauldron.’ This seems to be exactly the case.” Kompromat Tashiyev was out of Kyrgyzstan when the news broke that he had been fired. He briefly returned on February 13, leaving again on February 17. He returned on March 19 and the...

Power Struggle

Kyrgyzstan Faces Elite Realignment as Tashiyev Network Comes Under Pressure

In the last week, political tensions in Kyrgyzstan have risen following the arrest of Shairbek Tashiyev, the brother of Kamchybek Tashiyev, the former head of the State Committee for National Security (GKNB). Shairbek, a former member of the Jogorku Kenesh, Kyrgyzstan’s parliament, was detained on April 1 following questioning at the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The case unfolds against the backdrop of a widening rift between President Sadyr Japarov and his once long-time ally Tashiyev, who played a key role in helping Japarov consolidate power following the political upheaval of October 2020. After coming to power, President Japarov and Tashiyev built one of the most consolidated political tandems in Kyrgyzstan’s post-Soviet history, concentrating authority across the presidency, parliament, and security structures. In February, Tashiyev was removed from his position, followed by what observers described as a broader sidelining of his allies within security structures and parliament. This fueled speculation about a breakdown in the political partnership that had underpinned relative stability in recent years. Shairbek Tashiyev is now a central suspect in a corruption investigation involving the state-owned company Kyrgyzneftegaz. The Ministry of Internal Affairs announced the criminal case on March 17, following materials released by the State Tax Service alleging financial misconduct within the company. According to investigators, former executives of Kyrgyzneftegaz and affiliated private entities were detained shortly after the case was opened. A criminal case was initiated under Article 336 of the Criminal Code, alleging “Corruption.” Among those detained was former National Bank head Melis Turgunbayev, whose pretrial detention was later changed to house arrest by a court in Bishkek. It later emerged that another of those initially detained was Baigazy Matisakov, identified as a nephew of Kamchybek Tashiyev. He was subsequently released after reportedly reaching an agreement with investigators. On April 2, a court ordered Shairbek Tashiyev to remain in custody until May 16, 2026. His lawyer stated that he denies the charges and considers them unfounded. The investigation, led by the State Tax Service and the Ministry of Internal Affairs, covers Kyrgyzneftegaz’s operations from 2021 to 2025. Authorities allege total financial violations amounting to 4.1 billion soms (approximately $46.5 million), including lost profits and unpaid taxes. Investigators have outlined three main alleged schemes that they are continuing to investigate. The first involved intermediary companies allegedly linked to individuals close to the Tashiyev family, which resold oil to the Kyrgyz Petroleum Company refinery. The second involved the write-off of raw materials, with around 20,000 tons of oil reportedly classified as “technological losses” beyond established norms. The third concerned preferential sales, with diesel and fuel oil allegedly sold at below-market prices to favored companies. The case is being watched closely in Kyrgyzstan, where elite reshuffles have historically signaled broader political realignments rather than isolated legal actions. It remains unclear whether the investigation will expand further and implicate additional individuals connected to Tashiyev or what the potential impact could be on the broader political environment within the country.

Power Struggle

Kyrgyzstan Moves Toward Power Consolidation Ahead of 2027 Election

Kyrgyzstan has changed leaders more often than any other country in Central Asia, with power shifts since independence driven by both elections and unrest. With less than ten months remaining before the next presidential vote on January 24, 2027, recent political developments suggest the authorities are now moving to consolidate control well ahead of the contest. Against this backdrop, Russian political analyst Arkady Dubnov, citing sources in Kyrgyzstan, has suggested that recent political decisions, including the sudden removal of Kamchybek Tashiyev on February 10, may be linked to efforts to manage regional and institutional tensions within the country. In particular, discussions since that decision have focused on the long-standing dynamics between northern and southern elites. This dynamic has historically shaped political competition in the country. Recent personnel changes within state institutions have targeted individuals previously associated with former officials. Such administrative reshuffling is not uncommon ahead of major political milestones, including elections, and may reflect efforts to consolidate governance structures ahead of the upcoming election cycle. Kyrgyz political analyst Kanat Nogoybaev, speaking to a Kazakhstani outlet, commented on a petition signed by a group of public figures calling for early presidential elections. He noted that such initiatives typically reflect broader political maneuvering within elite circles. Since the petition was signed, some reports indicate that several individuals connected to this petition have faced legal scrutiny, though details remain unclear. President Sadyr Japarov has addressed the removal of Tashiyev, emphasizing the importance of maintaining stability within state institutions and avoiding internal divisions among public servants. “I believe that by making a swift decision, I ensured stability within the system,” Japarov said in earlier remarks, stressing that unity within government structures remains a priority. Separately, there have been discussions in political circles regarding the review of past high-profile legal cases. Former Jogorku Kenesh (parliamentary) deputy Iskhak Masaliev has suggested reassessing certain cases from recent years. One such case involves journalist Makhabat Tazhibek kyzy, whose legal proceedings have attracted significant public attention. In March, the Supreme Court remanded her case for retrial, and her pretrial detention was changed to house arrest. The case is part of a broader investigation involving media professionals detained in January 2024 on charges related to public unrest. Judicial proceedings in these cases remain ongoing. Economic developments have also intersected with recent political discussions. Investigations involving the state company, Kyrgyzneftegaz, have led to the detention of several individuals, including company executives and former officials. The Kyrgyz authorities have stated that these actions are part of broader efforts to ensure transparency and accountability in the management of state assets. Officials from the State Tax Service have addressed the case, noting that new conditions allowed for a comprehensive audit of the company. Subsequent legal actions were taken following the findings. These developments add an economic dimension to the broader political shifts underway. In parallel, Kyrgyzneftegaz has announced a general shareholders’ meeting scheduled for April 16 in Kochkor-Ata. The agenda includes governance changes, amendments to internal documents, and financial restructuring measures. While the...