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Corruption

Prestige or Coercion? Turkmen Police Questioned Over Costly Leader Watches

Turkmenistan’s Ministry of Internal Affairs has launched an internal investigation after reports emerged that police officers were purchasing high-priced watches featuring images of President Serdar Berdimuhamedov, his father and former president Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, and state symbols. According to an internal directive sent to regional departments, police personnel must submit written explanations detailing whether they bought the watches voluntarily or under pressure from superiors. The ministry also announced inspections of police uniforms to ensure compliance with official standards. The directive reminds officers that wearing rings, medallions, or signet rings, aside from wedding bands, is strictly prohibited while on duty. Internal security units have been tasked with monitoring adherence. Prestige or Coercion? The Times of Central Asia previously reported that such watches have become a status symbol within law enforcement circles. Manufactured by Sagat Turkmenistan, the watches feature silver cases with gold plating, gemstone embellishments, and insignias of state agencies. They retail for between 3,000 and 5,000 TMT ($870-1,450). However, many residents allege the watches are frequently used as informal bribes. “If you are told that a criminal case will be brought against you, it means you need to buy such a watch and go to the investigator. This does not mean that the case will be closed. But it’s the first installment,” said a resident of Bayramali with experience of dealing with the police. Watches with white straps are seen as particularly prestigious. Sources say that investigators often request the strap be replaced, at the giver’s expense, to enhance the watch’s appearance. Mandatory Purchases for Civil Servants This phenomenon extends beyond law enforcement. In May 2024, The Times of Central Asia reported that heads of state institutions in the Balkan region were required to purchase similar watches. Prices ranged from 1,500 to 3,000 TMT ($435-870 at the official rate; $75-150 on the black market). High-end models featured portraits of both Berdimuhamedovs, each in differently colored ties, alongside the Turkmen flag and map. Less expensive variants depicted only the president, or a simplified combination of national symbols. The purchase requirement applied to all budget-funded institutions, including schools, hospitals, and transportation agencies. Different “rates” were imposed based on the official’s seniority: lower-level managers paid 1,500 manats, while higher-level administrators paid up to 3,000. The tradition of producing watches featuring national leaders dates back to the rule of Saparmurat Niyazov, under whom such accessories were distributed to schoolchildren and state employees. Serdar Berdimuhamedov has continued this legacy with his own line of commemorative timepieces.

Qatar

Turkmenistan and Qatar Build Closer Ties at Doha Summit

As Doha readies an emergency Arab-Islamic Summit, Turkmenistan and Qatar have moved to underscore a steadily warming relationship. On Sunday, Turkmenistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Rashid Meredov met Qatar’s Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al-Thani on the sidelines of the summit, a show of solidarity with Qatar after this month’s attack attributed to Israel. Qatar’s Foreign Ministry also reported a separate meeting between Meredov and Minister of State for International Cooperation Maryam Al-Misnad during the ministerial preparations, where both sides discussed ways to deepen ties. Indeed, Ashgabat’s presence in Doha on the eve of the summit offers political cover for expanded cooperation, and adds a Central Asian voice to backing Qatar’s mediation role in the war in the Middle East. The relationship is not new. Doha and Ashgabat established diplomatic ties in 1996, opened a Qatari embassy in Ashgabat in 2014, and upgraded political contact with a state visit by President Serdar Berdimuhamedov to Qatar in March 2023. Turkmenistan also inaugurated its embassy in Doha. The Qatari side later highlighted that 17 agreements and memorandums of understanding were signed across economic, cultural and sporting fields. Momentum has built through 2025. On March 16, Meredov met Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al-Thani in Doha to prioritise energy, investment and transport, and to brief on the Serhetabat–Herat section of the TAPI gas pipeline inside Afghanistan. Turkmen statements said Qatar “highly appraised” cooperation on the project, while the Turkmen Foreign Ministry framed the visit as a step forward. Qatar’s visibility in Turkmenistan also rose in August when Doha sent a delegation to the UN’s Third Conference on Landlocked Developing Countries, hosted in the Awaza coastal zone -- the Turkmen government's marquee venue for foreign investors. That forum dovetails with Turkmenistan’s pitch that logistics, energy and tourism can be built out with Gulf capital and know-how. For Turkmenistan, cooperation with Qatar matters for three reasons. The first is energy strategy. Turkmenistan sits on the world’s fourth-largest proven gas reserves, yet remains constrained by export routes and customer concentration. The World Bank and regional energy think tanks have long flagged Ashgabat’s reliance on pipeline gas to China, and the need to diversify destinations and modalities. Pairing with Qatar -- currently the world’s third-largest LNG exporter -- offers access to market expertise, contract structuring and investment models that could help Turkmenistan de-risk projects like TAPI and swaps via Iran. The second reason is capital. The Qatar Investment Authority (QIA) has been signalling a more aggressive deployment cycle, buoyed by anticipated LNG windfalls and new programmes to crowd in venture funds and international managers to Doha. While no Turkmen-specific commitments have been announced, Ashgabat’s priority sectors -- transport links to Afghanistan and the Caspian, petrochemicals, and hospitality at Awaza -- fit the kind of long-dated infrastructure and real-asset plays that Gulf sovereigns favor. Third is private-sector linkage. Since 2023, business councils and chambers have stepped up exchanges, including a March 2025 Qatar Chamber event for a Turkmen trade delegation and the creation of...

Cotton

Central Asia’s Cotton Harvest: Between Reform, Coercion, and Economic Strain

The 2025 cotton harvest is underway across Central Asia, revealing the region’s ongoing struggle to reconcile long-promised reforms with persistent coercion and deepening economic pressure. Once the crown jewel of Soviet central planning, cotton, long dubbed “white gold”, remains a politically sensitive and economically vital crop from Turkmenistan to Tajikistan. Turkmenistan: Forced Mobilization Persists In Turkmenistan, mass mobilization for the cotton harvest continues largely unchanged. Chronicles of Turkmenistan reported that during a September cabinet meeting, President Serdar Berdimuhamedov ordered all regions to begin picking on September 10. Just two days earlier, the Ministry of Health had instructed medical institutions to send doctors, nurses, orderlies, and even technical staff to the fields, each assigned a daily quota of 45 kilograms. In the town of Turkmenabat, hospital workers said doctors were expected to go to the fields immediately after overnight shifts. Those who refuse must hire substitutes at their own expense, paying about 50 manats ($14) per day. As a result, up to two-thirds of monthly salaries are spent covering these unofficial harvest duties. While younger staff are dispatched to the fields, older employees are left to maintain hospital operations with minimal support. Uzbekistan: Reform, but Lingering Coercion Uzbekistan, by contrast, has officially ended Soviet-style forced labor. The government abolished child and public-sector mobilization, scrapped state cotton quotas in 2020, and partnered with the International Labour Organization (ILO) to monitor the transition. In March 2022, the Cotton Campaign, a global coalition of rights groups, unions, and apparel brands, lifted its boycott of Uzbek cotton, citing the end of systemic forced labor. The campaign, which began in 2011, had gained the support of more than 330 global brands, including H&M and Zara. Yet coercion has not entirely disappeared. In a recent video published by Kun.uz, Dilfuza Tashmatova, deputy hokim (governor) for family and women’s affairs in the Surkhandarya region's Sariosiyo district, was seen berating mahalla (local governance body) employees for failing to recruit enough pickers. She demanded that each “women’s activist” find five to ten additional laborers, totaling 150 people, and threatened dismissal for non-compliance. “Are you even a woman? Shameless! Unscrupulous! If you don’t want to work, then leave!” she shouted from a cotton field. According to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, approximately 70% of Uzbekistan’s cotton is still harvested by hand, despite recent gains in mechanization. Labor shortages have plagued the past two harvests as fewer people are willing to take on the physically demanding work for low wages. Mahalla councils are often pressured to mobilize unemployed or low-income residents. Following public backlash, Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Poverty Reduction and Employment fined Tashmatova 20.6 million UZS (about $1,660) under Article 51 of the Administrative Code, which prohibits forced labor. From Soviet Monoculture to Market Reforms Uzbekistan’s long history of forced cotton labor dates back to its designation as the Soviet Union’s cotton monoculture. For decades, students, teachers, and medical staff were sent into the fields to meet state quotas. After independence, the system endured until international scrutiny spurred reforms. The ILO hailed...

Economic Cooperation

Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan Finalize $555 Million Investment and Trade Agreement

Kazakhstan’s Senate on September 4 ratified a bilateral agreement with Turkmenistan aimed at bolstering mutual investment and economic cooperation, Kazinform reported. The agreement, which sets out conditions for the promotion and protection of investments, is expected to create a more transparent and predictable environment for investors from both countries. Senator Amangeldy Nugmanov emphasized that the agreement provides comprehensive legal safeguards for investment across all sectors, from state-led initiatives to private enterprise. For the first time at the interstate level, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan have formalized clear guarantees to protect investor interests. The agreement includes provisions for dispute resolution, including access to international arbitration, and ensures fair and equal treatment for foreign investments. Energy Sector as Strategic Priority Energy cooperation figures prominently in the agreement. Kazakhstan has expressed readiness to invest in the development of Turkmenistan’s gas condensate fields and to support the expansion of pipeline infrastructure. Nugmanov highlighted a separate agreement signed between Kazakhstan’s QazaqGaz and Turkmenistan’s state concern Turkmengaz, describing it as a “golden bridge” that will enhance both nations' economic prospects and contribute to regional energy security. Trade and Transport Ties Expand Senator Sergey Ershov noted that bilateral trade reached $555.7 million in 2024. Kazakh investors injected $16.1 million into Turkmenistan’s economy, while Kazakhstan received $400,000 in direct investment from Turkmenistan. Beyond energy, cooperation now includes rail, road, and maritime transport. Turkmenistan has also shown interest in modernizing armored vehicles and supplying spare parts to Kazakhstan. During a summit held in April, the presidents of both countries agreed to target $1 billion in annual trade turnover in the near future. They also underscored the strategic importance of expanding cooperation in energy and transport. Key projects under discussion include Kazakhstan’s potential participation in Turkmenistan’s Galkynysh gas field and the development of the Turgundi-Herat-Kandahar-Spin Boldak railway. The rail line, which would pass through Afghanistan, is seen as a means of diversifying trade routes and unlocking new regional markets.

Society

Watches Bearing Berdimuhamedov Portraits Become Unofficial Currency in Turkmenistan’s Security Sector

In Turkmenistan, wristwatches adorned with the images of President Serdar Berdimuhamedov and his father, former president Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, are increasingly being used as informal bribes by citizens dealing with law enforcement. Chronicles of Turkmenistan reports that these timepieces, once symbols of official loyalty, have evolved into an unofficial currency within the country’s security apparatus. Distributed primarily through the company Sagat Turkmenistan, the watches are embellished with silver-plated cases, gold accents, precious stones, and the emblems of various law enforcement agencies. Prices range from 3,000 to 5,000 Turkmenistani Manat (TMT), or approximately $870-1,450. But few security officers reportedly pay for them out of pocket. Instead, citizens facing potential criminal prosecution are expected to offer the watches as “gifts” to investigators. “If you are told that a criminal case will be brought against you, then you need to buy such a watch and go to the investigator. This does not mean that the case will be closed. But it is the first payment,” said a resident of the town of Bayramali who had prior dealings with law enforcement. The standard version comes with a black leather strap, although a white version is seen as particularly luxurious. In some instances, investigators reportedly request a strap upgrade, an added cost that the briber must cover. The practice is not limited to security services. In May 2024, The Times of Central Asia reported that in the Balkan region, heads of state institutions were required to purchase similar watches featuring the Berdimuhamedov portraits. Prices ranged from 1,500 to 3,000 TMT ($435-870 at the official rate, or $75-150 on the black market), depending on the design and seniority of the buyer. Higher-tier models feature both Serdar Berdimuhamedov in a black tie and Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov in a red tie, along with the Turkmen flag and a map of the country. Simpler versions show only one portrait, or a portrait combined with national symbols. All public sector entities, including institutions in healthcare, education, communications, transport, and law enforcement, were reportedly compelled to participate. Senior officials were instructed to purchase the higher-end watches, while lower-level managers had to acquire less expensive models. The use of personalized accessories as symbols of political loyalty is not new in Turkmenistan. Under former president Saparmurat Niyazov, watches featuring his image were widely distributed among schoolchildren and state employees. “We saw watches with the president’s image during Niyazov’s time. It is not surprising that Serdar [Berdimuhamedov] has also started producing gift watches with his portraits. Now all that remains is for him to start erecting monuments to himself throughout the country,” remarked an employee of a state-funded organization in the city of Turkmenbashi. What began as a tool of soft propaganda has now transformed into a transactional item, part status symbol, part bargaining chip, in the interactions between citizens, officials, and security services.

Education

Knowledge Day in Central Asia: What’s Changing in Schools This Academic Year?

Secondary schools across Central Asia are embracing modern teaching methods and aiming to elevate the status of teachers, as the new academic year begins with a wave of reforms. Kazakhstan: AI in Classrooms and Teacher Protections In Kazakhstan, the academic year begins on September 2, as Constitution Day on the 1st is a national holiday. Over 370,000 first-graders are expected to enter school this year. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, significant reforms are underway in the country’s education system. Amendments to the Law “On the Status of Teachers” will shield educators from non-teaching duties and protect them from undue legal responsibility. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has emphasized that educators should not be held accountable for incidents involving children that occur outside school or due to parental negligence. New “personal safety” lessons will also be introduced across all educational levels, from kindergartens to colleges. These age-appropriate classes will cover topics ranging from water safety and interaction with strangers to cyberbullying, financial literacy, and legal awareness. Schools and colleges are also rolling out DosbolLIKE, an anti-bullying initiative piloted in 50 schools last year, designed to curb bullying in student communities. Artificial intelligence will be introduced into the curriculum via “Digital Literacy” and “Computer Science” classes. AI-focused online courses called Day of AI are now available for grades 1-11, with training programs also developed for teachers. Despite the construction of 1,200 new schools accommodating over a million students in recent years, the high birth rate continues to strain infrastructure. In Almaty alone, the shortage exceeds 34,000 school places. Uzbekistan: Ivy League Aspirations and Civic Values In Uzbekistan, school also starts on September 2, a customary date. The first lesson will be conducted under the motto: “In the name of the Motherland, in the name of the nation, in the name of the people!” According to the Ministry of Preschool and School Education, 738,000 first-graders will receive gifts from President Shavkat Mirziyoyev. An international school is set to open this September, initially enrolling 60 top-performing graduates of the 8th grade. The curriculum will include leadership and social activism training, with a focus on preparing students for admission to Ivy League universities. A nationwide talent identification and development program is also in development. The weekly Kelazhak Soati (“Hour of the Future”) class will debut this year, aiming to strengthen students’ moral values and encourage reflection on their future roles in society. Kyrgyzstan: Transition to 12-Year Education This academic year marks Kyrgyzstan’s official transition to a 12-year education system. The reform affects lesson structures, curricula, and textbooks. The transition, to be completed by 2028, includes the redistribution of students across grade levels. For example, third graders born in 2015 will skip to fifth grade, and sixth graders born in 2012 will advance to eighth grade. Further shifts are scheduled for the next two academic years. While the extended education model is expected to allow deeper learning and skills development, the transition period may cause confusion among students, parents, and educators. Adapting to new...