BISHKEK (TCA) — China Southern Airlines was named one of the top five airlines in Kyrgyzstan in 2018, China’s Xinhua news agency reported citing Kyrgyz authorities.

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TASHKENT (TCA) — As Uzbekistan’s president pursues political reform and liberalization in his country, he has, for the first time, revealed plans to decentralize the presidential power. We are republishing this article on the issue, written by Umida Hashimova:

Uzbekistan’s President Shavkat Mirziyoyev delivered his annual State of the Nation address on December 28, 2018. One area of focus in his speech was the decentralization of presidential power. Mirziyoyev’s true views on the issue surfaced when he went off script and revealed his frustrations with the extremely centralized system of executive power in Uzbekistan. According to him, this works against his efforts to liberalize the country’s government. His corrective proposals were far from drastic, offering only slightly more powers to the parliament, governors and regional councils then they currently have. Nevertheless, publicly recognizing the inefficiencies of the overwhelming power at the top of the system and a willingness to transfer some of those authorities elsewhere unquestionably represent a step forward for political reform and liberalization in this Central Asian state.

In his State of the Nation speech, Mirziyoyev offered three concrete steps. First, he proposed transferring the president’s power to approve the members of the Cabinet of Ministers to the parliament (Kun.uz, December 28, 2018). Currently the Cabinet of Ministers consists of the prime minister and his eight deputies. The national legislature does have some limited oversight over the cabinet, but only when it comes to the prime minister. In his off-script comments, Mirziyoyev described his proposal as a measure to increase the accountability of the deputy prime ministers before the peoples’ representatives rather than have them solely report to him.
Mirziyoyev stated, “Officials should prove [to the parliament] they are worth being appointed and are able to perform in the post.” It seems that, by increasing the parliament’s oversight power, President Mirziyoyev wants the legislative branch to help him prod prime ministers. For Mirziyoyev, these steps are necessary for building a democratic system of governance and fulfilling the promise he made two years ago to transfer some of his competencies to the parliament.

Mirziyoyev’s second proposal was to increase the power of local legislative bodies—the self-governing regional, district and city councils (kengash) of people’s deputies, which function under regional governors. Specifically, Mirziyoyev proposed that the councils be empowered to approve the governors, since, presumably, the local council members would be more familiar with potential heads of their regions than the national head of state would be. And to ensure the impartiality of these councils, Mirziyoyev proposed ending the practice of appointing the governors as chairs of said councils.

Mirziyoyev’s third and most important proposal was to increase the decision-making power of governors by giving them the rights to appoint finance, economic, construction, housing, utility, and investment heads of their region. Mirziyoyev explained that the 2018 experiment in the city of Tashkent, where such appointments were done without the presidential administration’s involvement, resulted in increased local budgets and the closure of unnecessary government agencies. As result, the president said, he was ready to roll out the practice nationwide.

According to Uzbekistan’s leader, the established practice of regional governors waiting for directions from the president has resulted in widespread shirking of responsibility and passive local power centers unable to resolve regional issues independently. Mirziyoyev mocked the absurdity of the country’s overly centralized system of decision-making, wondering out loud why his administration needs to approve a head of the district committee of public education in a particular region. Mirziyoyev specifically stated that the practice of officials awaiting directives from the top—governors from the president’s office, sub-regional governors from their governors—needs to end.

These three proposals alone have already been worked into the “State Program for 2019” (2019.strategy.uz, January 3, 2019). The document, which is currently in the public commenting stage, details the agencies responsible for executing this strategic development plan for Uzbekistan and outlines the timelines in 2019 for accomplishing these goals.

Mirziyoyev has framed the above-described reforms as the beginning of a “bottom-up” process of changes and a departure from heretofore “top-down” instructions. According to the president’s own words, in truly democratic countries, decisions are made at the local level. He explained to his audience that cultivating greater power at local levels will increase a sense of ownership in the political process to local officials and increase their responsibility. “I have a lot of rights under the constitution, but I will be slowly departing from them as we adopt a democratic system of governance,” concluded Mirziyoyev (Kun.uz, December 28, 2018).

Unquestionably, Mirziyoyev is trying to loosen the current setup of centralized power in Uzbekistan. On the one hand, he wants legislative bodies at both at the state and local levels to strengthen their oversight powers over the executive branch. And on the other hand, he wants regional governors to start making independent decisions and own up to the consequences. Such an arrangement will distance the president from more trifling tasks in favor of focusing on significant issues affecting the entire state.

This limited transfer of power to the parliament and regional governments could eventually lead to increased efficiency, responsibility, and sustainability of public administration necessary for liberalization. Therefore, these steps have long-term implications. The reforms are short of a dedicated leap toward the true decentralization of power, long overdue for the country. But after all, Uzbekistan is well-known for avoiding drastic turns and taking cautious steps.

This article was originally published by The Jamestown Foundation’s Eurasia Daily Monitor

TASHKENT (TCA) — In the coming days the President of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev will pay visits to India and Germany, the official information agency Jahon reports.

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ASHGABAT (TCA) — Authorities in Turkmenistan have launched a campaign to register army reservists — nearly all men under 50 — amid concerns about militants in neighboring Afghanistan, according to a Defense Ministry source and accounts by citizens, RFE/RL’s Turkmen Service reported.

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ASHGABAT (TCA) — Gas-rich Turkmenistan is experiencing an economic downturn largely caused by decreasing hard-currency revenues from natural-gas exports, and ordinary Turkmen citizens are the first ones who feel the pinch of the crisis. We are republishing this article on the issue, originally published by Eurasianet:

Only on the 10th day of the new year did municipal workers in Turkmenistan’s capital take down the rich array of festive trees laden with blazing fairy lights.

The holiday euphoria, meanwhile, faded faster as people began to come to terms with the new reality of utility bills and continue to cope with the ever-present strain of price rises and shortages.

In 1993, soon after the Soviet experiment collapsed, the government in newly independent Turkmenistan reverted to state largesse as the heart of an unspoken compact.
In return for submission to a suffocating police state, the population was granted free electricity, household gas, water and even salt.

Talk of scrapping those handouts has been in the air for some years, but finally came into effect this January 1. The decision was nominally adopted in September by the People’s Council, which consists of a vast and photogenic assembly of robed and bearded town elders and numerous members of the national and regional ruling elite. In reality, it was President Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov who willed the change, citing his desire to see Turkmenistan evolve into a market economy.

Although they had ample time to prepare, authorities were caught short and forced to scramble to put the necessary infrastructure into place.

In Ashgabat, the water company failed to evaluate how many customers they actually serve and, as a result, had nowhere near enough meters to hand out. Every day, long lines would form at the company’s headquarters as homeowners tried to get their hands on the legally mandated piece of equipment. Such is the backlog that the water company has agreed to push back the deadline for fitting meters to January 15. When that happens, households will have to pay 0.50 manat for each cubic meter of water that they use.

While the official and immovable rate is 3.5 to the dollar, the manat’s value on the black market is a moving feast and was reportedly, as of late December, closer to 18 to the dollar.

The installation of gas meters appears to have gone a little more smoothly. It helped when Berdymukhamedov spoke on the issue at one Cabinet meeting and ordered the Interior Minister to take personal charge over the process.

The injunction had the desired effect, only with one hitch. Households were required to pay 260 manat (almost $75 at the official rate) for the actual meter. The government touted its willingness to install the counter free-of-charge as a gesture of generosity, although even this was not quite so. The cost of any additional equipment or pipes needed during fitting also had to be borne by the bill-payer.

All seemed to be going well until the dying days of the year, when the gas meters too ran out. People panicked as they worried that they could face fines for bill-dodging until the equipment was in place.

But “don’t worry, there will be no fines,” one gas utility employee assured a worried customer.

In the end, a consignment of Ukrainian-made meters was delivered. At 255 manats, these were even cheaper.

“The previous batch of counters had filters, the new ones don’t,” a representative for utility company Ashgorgaz explained cryptically, while insisting the Ukrainian models were perfectly safe.

The price has been set at 20 manat per 1,000 cubic meters of gas.

In truth, these charges are by any reckoning minute and should be affordable for most households. The subsidy-based economy is going nowhere for now.

Then again, the rushed and haphazard implementation of the paid utilities regime has created much irritation and frustration. Because television and other state media still find it awkward to dwell on the fact that gas and water are no longer free, homeowners need to pump the utility providers or else rely on word of mouth for information.

“Is it really so difficult just to publish all the documents and laws so that the population could understand what it is we are paying for or not?” said Dursun, a pensioner in her sixties.

In another customary gesture to raise holiday spirits, word was sent out for price reductions to be imposed on a whole array of foodstuffs in state stores and bazaars. Market traders are private operators, so their adherence to this edict was eagerly monitored by plainclothes inspectors.

Sure enough, the revised price tags duly appeared, which prompted a scramble to the bazaar. Beef and mutton, which was discounted from around 28 manat to 18 manat per kilogram, was especially popular.

So as not to incur undue losses, however, meat-sellers put everything out on display. Fine cuts hung alongside entrails, throat and fatty gristle. At the reduced price, customers got a mixture of everything.

“They will not let us put up prices,” market trader Mukhammed told one shopper unwilling to part with his money for offal.

Those willing to pay higher prices for quality product had to enter secretive negotiations with the traders. The demand for any kind of meat was so great that shoppers formed lines from daybreak. Some even ignored the Islamic proscription on pork.

Elsewhere at a bazaar in Ashgabat, there was a brisk trade for apples, bananas, tomatoes, kiwis and pomegranates, which sold for between five and seven manat a kilogram. While certain fruits are imported, there is also a fair amount of domestic product. Turkmen bananas, for example, are succulent and popular.

One of the most difficult things to find was eggs, which are sold in state stores on a strictly rationed basis – each buyer is limited to between 12 and 15 units. It is not clear whether it is the shortage or the rationing that leads to stocks disappearing rapidly at the start of every day. Large lines form in the morning and the early bird gets the egg – latecomers leave with nothing.

With the holidays now over, the picture has changed dramatically.

Price-tags on the aforementioned groceries are marked at the holiday rate, but the real charge has succumbed to the dictates of the market.

The year began on the sourest note for consumers of alcohol. Under a law that came into effect on January 1, prices for intoxicating beverages have risen by around one-fifth across the board.

The most acceptable locally made vodka now costs around 30 manat, while imported vodka is unaffordable to the regular citizen. Kindzmarauli wine from Georgia costs upward of an eye-watering 250 manat. Hardened booze-hounds rely as before on Turkmen wine, which retails at around $3 a bottle and can be bought by the glass over shop counters.

Alcohol has even become more difficult to find and drink. Under new rules, a long list of places is now off-limits for drinking – city parks, public squares, forests, beaches, train stations, airports, seaports, government offices, underpasses and elevators. And it is now not permitted to buy alcohol in trains, ferries, educational facilities, sports venues and small retail outlets like kiosks.

The age limit for buying alcohol has been raised, U.S.-style, from 18 to 21 years. Still, on New Year’s Day a Eurasianet correspondent saw a clearly underage customer buying beer in a small store in Ashgabat – a twofold violation of the law. The wariness factor is already in place though. The shopkeeper had hid his stash of beer behind bottles of oil.

TASHKENT (TCA) — Uzbekistan has taken decisive, bold steps towards openness and reform. Since President Mirziyoyev took office in September 2016, he has implemented a far reaching change process which has taken even long-term observers by surprise in light of its breadth and depth, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) First Vice President Jürgen Rigterink said while opening the German-Uzbek Business Forum on January 14 in Berlin.

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