Economic Reforms - The Times Of Central Asia

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ADB’s 59th Annual Meeting

Uzbekistan Showcases $147 Billion Economy at 59th ADB Meeting in Samarkand

The 59th Annual Meeting of the Board of Governors of the Asian Development Bank officially opened on May 4 in Samarkand, bringing together more than 4,000 participants from over 100 countries. Held under the theme “Crossroads of Progress: Advancing the Region’s Connected Future,” the forum has given Uzbekistan a high-profile platform to promote its reforms, regional connectivity plans, and ambitions in green energy and artificial intelligence. The agenda covers digital and green transformation, climate resilience, supply chain development, and food security. The meeting also gives Central Asia a chance to present itself as a more active player in regional infrastructure, energy, and trade planning. President Shavkat Mirziyoyev addressed the forum, highlighting Uzbekistan’s recent economic reforms and development trajectory. He said the country has attracted $150 billion in foreign investment in recent years, while exports of goods and services have tripled and the economy has expanded from $50 billion to $147 billion. “Most importantly, our reforms have focused primarily on improving the daily lives of every single family and individual,” Mirziyoyev said, noting that poverty levels have declined significantly, from nearly 35% to 5.8%. He added that Uzbekistan’s economy grew by 8.7% in the first quarter despite global economic challenges. The president also emphasized the role of international financial institutions, noting that Uzbekistan’s joint project portfolio with the ADB has reached nearly $16 billion. He expressed appreciation for cooperation with organizations, including the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Particular attention was given to digital transformation and artificial intelligence. Uzbekistan has launched initiatives, including the creation of an AI Hub, the expansion of data centers, and training programs aimed at developing technological expertise. “The use of open AI models is also required in areas that are most essential to the population’s primary needs,” Mirziyoyev said. Green energy and transport connectivity were also central topics. Uzbekistan has already commissioned 5,600 megawatts of renewable energy capacity and aims to increase the share of renewables to 54% by 2030. The president also highlighted major infrastructure projects, including the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway, which is expected to reduce cargo delivery times and strengthen regional transit links. In addition, proposals were put forward to develop a regional “Digital Customs and Logistics Alliance,” expand cooperation in critical minerals, and launch initiatives such as the “Green Belt of Central Asia” and a “Central Asia Tourist Ring.”

New Uzbekistan

Opinion: The Reform Paradox for Uzbekistan: Global Capital, Political Control

In mid-May, Uzbekistan is preparing to take a major step onto the global financial stage – one that reflects its broader, decade-long push to open its economy to international investors. The country's National Investment Fund (UzNIF), a $2.4 billion vehicle holding minority stakes in 13 strategic state-owned enterprises, is preparing to list 30% of its capital on the London and Tashkent stock exchanges — the first time such a state-backed investment vehicle is being listed on international equity markets. For President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, the move signals that Uzbekistan wants to be seen as an investable, reforming, and globally connected state. But the planned listing also captures the central paradox of Uzbekistan's current trajectory: the country is opening economically while remaining politically closed. Foreign investors are being invited in. State assets are being partially exposed to market discipline. Capital markets are being developed. Yet the political system remains tightly managed, with limited opposition, weak institutional pluralism, and few independent channels for releasing social pressure. That is why Uzbekistan's stability should not be read only as a strength. It should also be read as a system test: can controlled modernization keep producing legitimacy without creating political mechanisms for absorbing the expectations it generates? Mirziyoyev as a Controlled Modernizer Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s political style is not that of a frontline strongman constantly mobilizing society against enemies. His approach is administrative, developmental, and transactional: reform from above, personnel control, investment attraction, infrastructure, market opening, and the redistribution of economic flows. In this sense, Mirziyoyev is best understood not as a liberal reformer in the Western sense, but as a controlled modernizer. The reform agenda is real. Uzbekistan has moved to attract foreign capital, open selected state assets, improve its business image, and position itself as a more predictable investment destination. The UzNIF listing fits this broader effort: it is designed to deepen capital markets, signal openness to international investors, and show that the state is willing to place parts of its economic architecture under market scrutiny. But the political architecture remains tightly managed. Freedom House continues to rate Uzbekistan as "Not Free" — 12 points out of 100 in its 2026 report — citing the concentration of power in the executive branch, the absence of a genuine parliamentary opposition, and severe restrictions on independent journalists and human rights defenders. This is the central tension: Uzbekistan is reforming economically, but not politically. [caption id="attachment_48249" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Tashkent has opened up to investment over the past decade. Image: Joe Luc Barnes[/caption] Growth as Legitimacy For now, the model works because growth provides legitimacy. The World Bank expects Uzbekistan's economy to grow by around 6.4% in 2026, following 7.7% growth in 2025 – supported by domestic demand, private consumption, and continued investment. Public debt remains comparatively moderate at around 28% of GDP, and the country benefits from the perception that it is one of the more dynamic economies in the region. This gives the ruling system room to maneuver. The reform narrative allows the leadership to present itself as forward-looking without opening the...

Middle Powers

Which Central Asian States Qualify as Middle Powers in 2025?

As global power shifts toward multipolarity, Central Asia’s states are emerging as active regional players. This article assesses which of the five republics—Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan—qualify as middle powers in 2025, based on economic strength, diplomatic reach, strategic capacity, and governance. Kazakhstan stands as the region’s only consolidated middle power, balancing fiscal stability, institutional reform, and multi-vector diplomacy. Uzbekistan is a rising aspirant, propelled by reforms but still reliant on external financing and centralized authority. The remaining states remain constrained by dependence and limited institutional depth. Together, they reflect a region increasingly capable of shaping, rather than merely absorbing, global and regional change. A comparative analysis of five Central Asian republics shows how far each has advanced toward this status. 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This article assesses which of the five republics—Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan—qualify as middle powers in 2025, based on economic strength, diplomatic reach, strategic capacity, and governance. Kazakhstan stands as the region’s only consolidated middle power, balancing fiscal stability, institutional reform, and multi-vector diplomacy. Uzbekistan is a rising aspirant, propelled by reforms but still reliant on external financing and centralized authority. The remaining states remain constrained by dependence and limited institutional depth. Together, they reflect a region increasingly capable of shaping, rather than merely absorbing, global and regional change. A comparative analysis of five Central Asian republics shows how far each has advanced toward this status. Economic Power Economic autonomy is a defining attribute of middle-power capability, enabling states to project influence, sustain policy independence, and finance external engagement. In Central Asia, dependence on Official Development Assistance (ODA) and remittances often reflects constrained fiscal capacity and limited domestic capital formation, while diversified, resilient economies underpin strategic autonomy. Key indicators—GDP per capita, credit ratings, debt sustainability, and export diversification—illuminate the region’s economic hierarchy. Kazakhstan stands as Central Asia’s only consolidated economic middle power. Resource-backed growth, a prudent fiscal regime, and a sovereign wealth fund (the National Fund of Kazakhstan) have anchored macroeconomic stability. With a “BBB” credit rating or equivalent from major agencies, Kazakhstan demonstrates sound debt management and policy credibility. Ongoing diversification efforts under the new economic policies—from renewables to financial modernization—aim to reduce hydrocarbon dependence and deepen integration into global supply chains. Its role as a trans-Caspian logistics hub enhances both strategic and commercial influence. Uzbekistan, by contrast, is an emerging frontier market propelled by post-2017 reforms in currency liberalization, taxation, and state-enterprise restructuring. Rapid GDP growth and expanding private-sector activity mark its trajectory toward fiscal autonomy, though continued ODA inflows averaging around $1.1 billion to 1.3 billion annually, primarily from the Asian Development Bank (ADB), the World Bank, and bilateral partners such as Japan, the United States, and the European Union, highlight its residual dependence on external concessional financing. To achieve genuine middle power status, Uzbekistan must roughly double its real economic output over the next decade, a scale of growth aligned with the shift...

Economic Reforms

World Bank Approves $800 Million Loan for Uzbekistan’s Economic Reforms

The World Bank has approved an $800 million concessional loan package to support Uzbekistan’s ongoing structural reforms, aimed at reducing poverty, creating jobs, and expanding private sector-led growth. The financing is designed to help the government enhance competition, strengthen social protections, and foster a more dynamic economic environment. The financial support will fund a broad set of policy initiatives, including mitigating the impact of energy tariff increases on low-income households, advancing gender equality in the workplace, and expanding access to social services for vulnerable populations. The package also targets reforms in key sectors such as telecommunications, agriculture, and energy, while supporting greater integration of Uzbekistan into global trade networks. With favorable long-term repayment terms, the loan will reduce the country’s debt servicing costs and free up government resources for economic and social development. One of the central measures backed by the package is a significant boost in financial assistance for low-income families. Annual cash transfers per household will increase from UZS 270,000 to UZS 1 million to offset the rising costs of electricity, heating, and gas. The World Bank package will also support legislation to protect women from sexual harassment and workplace discrimination, including safeguards against employment bias related to pregnancy or childcare responsibilities. Reforms will open the provision of social services to private and non-governmental organizations, enabling greater coverage and efficiency. Among other key initiatives is the establishment of a National Investment Fund to manage and privatize state-owned enterprises. The creation of an independent telecommunications regulator is expected to promote competition, while new agricultural risk insurance schemes and liberalized cotton pricing aim to strengthen resilience and market access for farmers. Textile companies will be permitted to buy cotton directly from producers at flexible prices. The reform agenda also focuses on trade liberalization, including the removal of exclusive rights in strategic sectors such as energy, oil and gas, and agriculture. Export procedures will be simplified, and new regulations will promote private participation in electricity distribution and allow renewable energy producers to sell directly to consumers. Energy efficiency and climate policy are integral to the package. Uzbekistan plans to establish a National Energy Efficiency Agency and introduce incentives for solar power, heat pumps, and energy-efficient building retrofits. Public procurement processes will incorporate environmental criteria to support sustainable products and services. According to a World Bank report released in July, Uzbekistan’s economy grew steadily between 2010 and 2022, with per capita GDP rising by an average of 4.2% a year, outpacing the regional average. However, the report noted that growth has relied heavily on capital investment rather than productivity gains, and that deeper reforms are needed to build a more competitive private sector.

Grants

World Bank Approves $50 Million Grant for Tajikistan’s Economic Reforms

The World Bank’s Board of Executive Directors has approved a $50 million grant to support Tajikistan’s reform agenda, aimed at fostering competition, improving market conditions for the private sector, and strengthening public sector service delivery. The financing, announced by the Bank’s press service, comes from the International Development Association (IDA), its fund for low-income countries. The First Competitive and Inclusive Tajikistan Development Policy Operation (DPO) aligns with the country’s National Development Strategy 2030. Its primary goal is to help implement key government policies for building a more competitive and equitable economy. “We are proud to support these ambitious reforms designed to unlock the country’s economic potential and deliver tangible benefits to Tajik citizens,” said Wei Winnie Wang, Acting Country Manager for the World Bank Group in Tajikistan. “Fostering a more competitive and open market environment helps create new opportunities for businesses and consumers alike.” The DPO targets several priority areas: Increasing competition and improving governance in telecommunications and the digital sector. Expanding air transport connectivity. Strengthening the legal framework for foreign investment. Enhancing transparency in subsidies and power sector financing. By making energy sector funding more transparent, the reforms aim to encourage greater private investment in renewable energy. Another focus is improving the policy, legal, and financial frameworks for the Benefit Sharing Program (BSP) under the Rogun Hydropower Plant (HPP) Project. The BSP will channel part of Rogun’s electricity sales revenue to support poor and vulnerable households, complementing existing social safety nets. Development Policy Operations are one of the World Bank’s key tools for supporting policy and institutional reforms that drive sustainable growth and poverty reduction. The Bank last approved a similar operation for Tajikistan in 2023. Currently, the World Bank finances 26 projects in the country totaling $1.9 billion, combining IDA grants and highly concessional credits. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, poverty reduction in Tajikistan remains gradual. According to the World Bank’s Poverty, Prosperity, and Planet Report 2024, more than 25% of the population lives on less than $3.65 per day, even after the extreme poverty threshold was revised from $2.15 to $3.00.

Oil and Gas

Opinion: Tengiz, Karachaganak, and Kashagan: Kazakhstan Asserts Contract Stability Amid Lawsuits Exceeding $170 Billion

Following statements by President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, the intrigue surrounding the PSA agreements for Kashagan and Karachaganak and the stabilized contract for Tengiz have taken on new dimensions. Previously, in the articles, Breaking Down Kazakhstan’s Claims Against International Oil Consortiums and Is Kazakhstan Preparing to Take on the Oil Consortium “Whales?, TCA examined the ongoing lawsuits filed by the government and the authorized body, PSA LLC, against the North Caspian Operating Company N.V. (NCOC) and Karachaganak Petroleum Operating B.V. (KPO), noting that the Ministry of Energy and KazMunayGas have not raised any claims against the joint venture Tengizchevroil LLP (TCO). While shares in NCOC and KPO are managed by PSA LLC, those in TCO are controlled by the national company, KazMunayGas. What did President Tokayev say? On January 28, President Tokayev held an expanded government meeting addressing the public and political debate surrounding PSA agreements. "Reforms in the subsoil use sector must continue, no matter what," Tokayev stated. "This is a fundamental position that the government should firmly adhere to. The implementation of production-sharing agreements (PSAs) for major oil fields has allowed Kazakhstan to become a reliable supplier of energy resources to the global market. These projects make a significant contribution to the country’s socioeconomic development. However, large investments require a long-term planning horizon. Therefore, the government must intensify negotiations on extending PSA contracts, possibly on updated and more favorable terms for our country." This statement sparked discussions among experts; who exactly was the president referring to? The major PSAs in Kazakhstan are the Karachaganak and Kashagan projects, with contracts expiring in 2038 and 2041, respectively. In contrast, Tengiz does not operate under a PSA but rather a stabilized contract, which is set to expire much sooner, in 2033. I have repeatedly emphasized the need for an audit of Tengiz before the contract expires and have proposed that it should not be extended. Kazakhstan can independently, or with the involvement of foreign oil service companies, develop this highly profitable field under more advantageous conditions. On January 29, Kazakhstan's Minister of Energy, Almassadam Satkaliyev, provided clarification, confirming that the president's directive was specifically about Tengiz. "The directive was given quite openly within the framework of international agreements and international law to conduct consultations with consortium participants. Given the development timelines, the most relevant project for us is Tengizchevroil, which operates the Tengiz field in partnership with Chevron, ExxonMobil, and Lukoil. We plan to start certain preliminary consultations with them, and once we are ready for negotiations, we will proceed with them. The government will first develop an agenda and a list of its demands. One possible demand is an increase in Kazakhstan’s stake in these projects." So, is Tengiz the primary target? Or is Kazakhstan preparing for a broader offensive on all three fronts? “There are Hardliners in the Government” On February 16, the international industry portal Upstream Online published an extensive article titled Kazakhstan Seeks Shake-Up at Crucial Foreign-Led Oil Projects. The article primarily focuses on the production-sharing agreements (PSAs) for Karachaganak...