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Political Repression

Kazakhstan: Court Says 1986 Protester Was Victim of Political Repression

Four decades after participating in anti-Soviet protests in Kazakhstan, a 64-year-old man has been recognized as a victim of political repression by a court in the former Soviet republic. The ruling is part of a sweeping effort by Kazakhstan’s government to rehabilitate the reputations of people who faced persecution during Soviet rule, which ended when the country became independent in 1991. Many cases go back to a time of forced resettlement, famine and execution nearly a century ago, drawing on documents and the expertise of scholars and other specialists that lay bare historical trauma even as Kazakhstan maintains close trade and diplomatic ties with its neighbor, Russia. On Thursday, Kazakhstan’s Supreme Court released a statement about a more recent case, saying a resident of Aktobe city in western Kazakhstan who was a philosophy and economics student at Kazakh State University had been expelled for allegedly disturbing public order. “The reason for his expulsion was his detention by law enforcement officers on December 18, 1986 - on suspicion of participating in the December events, without charges being brought,” the court said. It did not name the student. The so-called December events refer to a 1986 protest movement called the Jeltoqsan that young people began in Almaty, then known as Alma-Ata. The demonstrations escalated into clashes with Soviet security forces and lasted for several days. The catalyst for the upheaval was the removal of Dinmukhamed Kunaev, an ethnic Kazakh who was the first secretary of Kazakhstan’s Communist Party, and his replacement with an ethnic Russian. The direct challenge to authority highlighted the erosion of Moscow’s control that would eventually end with the collapse of the Soviet Union. According to Kazakhstan’s Supreme Court, the student who was detained was freed, but he was expelled from the Communist Party, faced persecution, and couldn’t find a job. His wife was also turned down for jobs. Between 1990 and 1993, the couple and their three young children had to rent housing and were in a “socially vulnerable position,” the court said. This year, the man, now 64 years old, filed a lawsuit to be recognized as a victim of political repression because of his participation in the 1986 protests. Court No. 3 of Aktobe agreed that he had been subjected to political persecution, including restrictions on labor rights, the Supreme Court said. The Aktobe court based its decision on documents from the university and the prosecutor's office, as well as witness testimony. Kazakhstan’s law on rehabilitation of victims of political repression can provide for the restoration of violated rights as well as financial compensation.

Deportation

Turkish Authorities Move to Deport Turkmen Dissident Umida Bekchanova

On May 30, Turkmen citizen and outspoken critic of the Ashgabat regime, Umida Bekchanova was detained in Istanbul and now faces deportation to Turkmenistan. Detained Without Warning According to Turkmen.news, Bekchanova was seized by unidentified individuals in plain clothes and transferred to a deportation center in Turkey. The incident was later reported by opposition blogger Kalmurad Soyunov, who lives in Sweden, via his YouTube channel. Citing Bekchanova’s legal team, Soyunov claimed that the arrest was conducted with the involvement of Turkmen special services in cooperation with local Turkish authorities. Bekchanova resides in Turkey legally and has long been a vocal opponent of the Turkmen government. Her activism has led to reprisals against her family in Turkmenistan, including a criminal case against her younger son, whom she alleges was tortured with electric shocks during interrogation. He remains in custody. The activist has also received threats and significantly curtailed her public activity following the forced return of fellow dissidents Farhad Meymankuliev and Merdan Mukhamedov, as well as the detention of Alisher Sakhattov and Abdulla Orusov. Allegations of Entrapment Soyunov claims the operation to detain Bekchanova was premeditated and involved strategic deception. After Turkmen intelligence failed to locate her for months in Istanbul, a city of over 15 million people, they allegedly turned to subterfuge. In January, Bekchanova was informed by her bank that her card had been deactivated due to an expired visa, despite her visa being valid. Her sister-in-law, who had recently arrived in Turkey for work, was unknowingly used to reveal Bekchanova’s location. According to the report, men posing as police officers approached the residence and lured Bekchanova out. She was then detained, transported in a minibus, and held for four hours before being taken to a deportation facility. Attempted Emergency Deportation The timing of her detention on a Thursday was reportedly deliberate. “The calculation was that on Friday, lawyers and government offices would be closed, and with the weekend ahead, it would be the ideal moment to deport Umida before any intervention could occur,” Soyunov said. Similar tactics have been used in past deportations of Turkmen dissidents. By June 1, Bekchanova had reportedly been taken to the airport for extradition, without her identification documents. Her legal team is actively working to halt the deportation. Voice of Dissent Bekchanova began publicly criticizing the Turkmen authorities in 2020. Her activism was galvanized by a series of national crises, including the deaths of dozens of Turkmen migrants in Turkey purportedly from alcohol poisoning, the government’s concealment of the COVID-19 outbreak, and a devastating hurricane that went unreported in state media. Her current legal status and future in Turkey remain uncertain. Should the deportation proceed, Bekchanova may face severe risks in Turkmenistan, where her family has already suffered intimidation and abuse.

Forced Labor

Forced Labor Rampant in Turkmenistan’s 2024 Cotton Harvest, Say Rights Groups

Despite public pledges of reform and cooperation with the International Labor Organization (ILO), Turkmenistan's government continues to enforce widespread forced labor during its annual cotton harvest. This is the core finding of a report released on May 19 by Turkmen.news, the Turkmen Initiative for Human Rights (TIHR), the Progres Foundation, and the Cotton Campaign coalition. Systemic Abuse: The Role of the State The report, titled “State-imposed Forced Labor in the 2024 Harvest and Links to Global Supply Chains,” identifies the Turkmen state as the primary orchestrator of forced labor practices. Observers documented conditions in the country’s key cotton-producing regions, Balkan, Dashoguz, Lebap, and Mary, while withholding personal identifiers to protect sources. Public sector workers, particularly junior staff from schools, healthcare facilities, and utilities, were either compelled to harvest cotton or to finance hired laborers from their own wages. Private entrepreneurs also faced coercive financial pressure. Although child labor remains officially banned, instances were reported, often incentivized by promises of payment. Reforms on Paper, Resistance in Practice While Ashgabat adopted a roadmap in 2024 for eradicating forced labor in coordination with the ILO, human rights defenders report negligible progress. Central to the issue is the state’s monopolistic control over every stage of the cotton supply chain, land allocation, seed distribution, pricing, and collection, enabling local officials to enforce arbitrary quotas and extort farmers. “Boosting productivity or upgrading equipment is futile unless workers are shielded from coercion and can organize to defend their rights,” the report concludes. Women disproportionately bear the burden, as they make up the majority of social sector employees and often lack the financial means to avoid fieldwork by hiring substitutes. Supervised Compliance and Global Implications The report also describes how Turkmen officials obstructed genuine engagement with the ILO. In Mary region, state workers were coached on how to respond to ILO queries, while others were excluded from meetings entirely. International supply chains are not immune. As one of the world’s top 15 cotton producers, Turkmenistan exports textiles primarily to Turkey, Italy, and Pakistan. Turkish-made goods incorporating Turkmen cotton are subsequently sold in the EU, while firms from Germany and Italy supply industrial machinery to Turkmen producers. Recommendations and Global Accountability The report urges the Turkmen government to hold corrupt officials accountable, uphold labor laws, and guarantee fundamental freedoms, including the right to form independent trade unions. International actors are advised to enhance import scrutiny and exclude goods linked to forced labor from supply chains. Foreign diplomats are encouraged to raise the issue during negotiations with Ashgabat and in investment discussions. The ILO, Turkmenistan’s Ombudsman, and international brands are called upon to maintain rigorous oversight and actively prevent labor violations. In a rare move, ILO experts were permitted to monitor the 2024 cotton harvest. Despite limited access, they published critical findings on wage inadequacies, child labor persistence, and repercussions for public employees who resisted field assignments.

Social Media

Tajikistan Decriminalizes Likes and Other Reactions to Provocative Social Media Posts

Tajik citizens need no longer fear that they will be imprisoned for clicking “like” on social media posts that the Tajik authorities do not like. Among several laws that Tajik President Emomali Rahmon signed on May 14 was one that decriminalized liking posts on social networks that originate from individuals or organizations the Tajik government considers extremist. Crackdown on Social Media In 2018, President Rahmon signed amendments to Article 179 of the Criminal Code, making it a crime to repost, comment favorably on, or like posts that, in the opinion of Tajik authorities, are public calls to commit or justify acts of violence and terrorism. According to that law, those found guilty of liking such posts face up to 15 years in prison. Since the law came into effect, 1,507 Tajik citizens have been imprisoned. The Tajik authorities often have a broad interpretation of what constitutes public calls to commit or justify serious crimes or acts of terrorism, but it usually boils down to comments that are critical of the Tajik government. Weeks after the law was passed, Alijon Sharipov, a resident of the Vakhsh district in Tajikistan’s southern Khatlon Region, was sentenced to 9.5 years in prison for reposting a video of an interview with the leader of the banned Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan, Muhiddin Kabiri. In July 2019, Ibrohim Kosimov from the western Tajik city of Panjakent received the same prison sentence for “pushing ‘likes’ and ‘shares’ on the posts belong[ing] to opposition figures.” An activist of the Democratic Party of Tajikistan, Rustam Mamajonov, was sentenced to seven years in prison in June 2021 for reposting a video of Sharofiddin Gadoyev, a leader of the banned organization, Group 24. Mamajonov, who was 59 years old at the time, said he did not know how the video appeared on his Facebook page and the repost was a mistake caused by his poor knowledge of how to use the platform. Tajik political activist Abdullo Shamsiddin was deported from Germany back to Tajikistan in January 2023 and was convicted weeks later in March of sedition and sentenced to seven years in prison. Shamsiddin’s trial was held behind closed doors and it was difficult to obtain details about the case, but apparently, he was convicted for clicking “like” on a social network post, though there is no information about what was in the post. Shamsiddinov’s case shows the social network use of Tajik citizens who are outside Tajikistan is also being monitored by Tajik authorities. A Strange Change of Heart The reasons for the decision to decriminalize “posting a like or other sign on social networks,” as it officially reads in the law Rahmon signed, is unclear. Certainly, rights groups have called on the Tajik authorities to overturn the decision to criminalize likes, comments, or reposts of what to the Tajik government are undesirable posts on social networks. However, for years Tajikistan’s government has ignored appeals from rights organizations, the United Nations, and individual governments over the Tajik authorities’ rights abuses....

Rukhshona Khakimova

UN Official Urges Tajikistan to Release, Retry Woman Convicted of Treason

A United Nations human rights expert has joined in calls for the release and retrial of a 31-year-old mother in Tajikistan who was convicted of treason and sentenced to eight years in prison after her research on Chinese aid to the Central Asian country allegedly aroused the suspicion of authorities. A U.N. statement described Rukhshona Khakimova as a “journalist and woman human rights defender” and said it appeared that she had not received a fair trial and may have been targeted for “legitimate human rights journalism” rather than any wrongdoing. “The case was part of a broader criminal investigation involving former senior officials and politicians allegedly accused of extremism, espionage, and an attempted coup,” said the U.N. announcement, which was released on Wednesday. “Her charges allegedly stemmed from interviews she conducted for a research project on international aid from China to Tajikistan, where she reportedly spoke with two defendants, asking general questions not related to classified information.” In recent years, China has developed an increasingly robust role as an investor and security partner for Tajikistan, which has a long border with Afghanistan and concerns about militant infiltration. Mary Lawlor, the U.N.’s special rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, said it was “heartbreaking” that Khakimova had been separated from her two young children because the court sent her to jail. Lawlor said Khakimova had a right to a fair and transparent trial and that she was in contact with the Tajik government about the matter. Tajikistan’s Supreme Court convicted and sentenced Khakimova on Feb. 5. The verdict was upheld on April 2. International human rights and media groups have also called for Khakimova’s release. So far, Tajik authorities have not responded publicly to the appeals, which reflect concern about a deteriorating human rights situation in Tajikistan. However, President Emomali Rahmon removed one restriction on Wednesday, signing a law that “abolishes criminal liability for posting likes or other marks on social networks,” according to the president’s office. The restriction had previously been used to prosecute people accused of endorsing extremist posts on social media, though critics alleged the ban was a way to muzzle opposition to the government.

Human rights

Turkmen Cultural Workers Fired Over Refusal to Fund Presidential TV Monitor

Another case of forced financial contributions among civil servants has emerged in Turkmenistan. In early April, four employees of the Kerki district's cultural department were dismissed after protesting salary deductions. The funds were intended to finance the purchase of a television monitor designated to display images of President Serdar Berdimuhamedov. Salary Deductions Without Consent According to an order from local authorities, 230 Turkmenistan Manat (TMT) was deducted from the March salaries of employees at urban and rural cultural centers to pay for a large monitor at the Kerki Palace of Culture. Given that average monthly salaries range between 1,800-2,100 TMT (officially $514-$600, unofficially $92-$108), the deduction represented a significant portion of income. The monitor was meant to display the president's image against a national flag backdrop during official events. At other times, it remained unused. Several employees independently refused the deduction and were subsequently dismissed. Among them was a cleaning staff member. Coercion and Unofficial Duties One of the dismissed workers, a resident of Taze Usul village, reported that such deductions are routine. Employees are also compelled to engage in activities beyond their job descriptions, such as growing silkworm cocoons, harvesting cotton, and cleaning streets ahead of official visits. These tasks often occur on weekends and public holidays. Following their refusal to pay, the dismissed workers were allegedly visited by police, who pressured them into signing resignation letters citing “health reasons.” “I wrote several letters to the etrap and velayat hakims, and to the Minister of Culture in Ashgabat. No action was taken, except my dismissal,” said one of the affected employees. As a result of the dismissals, only two individuals remain at each cultural center in the Kerki district, now personally bearing the costs of maintenance, repairs, and event organization. Pattern of Enforced Contributions This incident is part of a broader pattern. In January 2025, civil servants in the newly built city of Arkadag, including teachers and librarians, were reportedly pressured to purchase homes on mortgage, with down payments ranging from 75,000 to 80,000 TMT ($21,428-$22,857). In May 2024, state agency heads in Balkan velayat were ordered to purchase souvenir watches featuring portraits of former President Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov and his son, President Serdar Berdimuhamedov. Prices ranged from 1,500 to 3,000 TMT ($428-$857) depending on seniority. Similar practices go back years. In August 2020, civil servants in Farap were compelled to buy domestically manufactured televisions, with 2,400 TMT ($685) deducted from their salaries in advance. Delivery was delayed by months. In February 2018, state employees had to pay for bicycles to join a mass bike ride, with contributions per worker depending on the institutional size. The cost of a bicycle reached 4,000 TMT ($1,142). According to civil servants, refusal to participate in such initiatives increasingly results in job loss, a sign of deepening authoritarian control in Turkmenistan's public sector.