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Kyrgyzstan Elections

Arrests of Opposition Politicians in Kyrgyzstan Sparks Outcry Ahead of Elections

On November 22, law enforcement agencies in Kyrgyzstan launched a large-scale special operation, detaining several opposition politicians, their relatives, and media representatives. The actions were carried out under criminal proceedings initiated under Article 278 of the Criminal Code of the Kyrgyz Republic, “Organization of Mass Unrest”. In three cases, the authorities also alleged attempts to “violently seize power” in what has become an increasingly familiar mantra. The scope of the operation and the number of individuals involved have drawn significant public attention. The arrests come just days before the parliamentary elections scheduled for November 30, prompting concerns among observers about the government's approach to managing opposition voices and maintaining stability during the electoral cycle. Official Version According to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, a “destructive group” was preparing to stage mass protests following the announcement of the election results in the Jogorku Kenesh (parliament). The group allegedly included politicians, former deputies, civil servants, and law enforcement officials. Investigators claim the suspects attempted to recruit members of the criminal underworld and sports organizations to provoke violent clashes. The ministry alleges that the planned unrest would start in the south of the country and then spread to Bishkek and other regions, creating an “effect of mass discontent.” The group reportedly operated through a defined structure, with “coordination groups” tasked with articulating political demands and criminal organizations responsible for applying pressure. Some participants allegedly pre-assigned themselves roles in a proposed political configuration. Investigators also claim the group intended to issue “unconstitutional appeals” and possibly seize government buildings, television channels, law enforcement facilities, weapons, and penitentiary institutions. Separately, the Interior Ministry announced the arrest of Social Democratic Party leader Temirlan Sultanbekov and said he had been charged with organizing mass riots. Waves of Searches and Detentions Local media reported that Kadyrbek Atambayev, the son of former President Almazbek Atambayev, and former first lady Raisa Atambayeva were brought in for questioning. Raisa Atambayeva was released later the same day. Former head of the State Service for Combating Economic Crimes, Syimyk Zhapykeyev, was detained in the Issyk-Kul region and transported to Bishkek for questioning before also being released that evening. Searches were conducted at the home of former deputy Shailoobek Atazov, while other prominent figures, including former Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs and ex-MP Kubanychbek Kadyrov, and the former CEO of the April TV channel, Dmitry Lozhnikov, were also questioned. Authorities linked Lozhnikov to the detained politicians. The Interior Ministry stressed that all actions were authorized by court orders and were part of an ongoing investigation into the organization of mass riots. Court Rulings: Arrests and Preventive Detentions On November 23, the Pervomaisky District Court in Bishkek issued preventive detention orders for ten individuals, including Temirlan Sultanbekov, Shailoobek Atazov, Ermek Ermatov, Damir Musakeev, Kadyrbek Atambayev, Kubanychbek Kadyrov, and businessman Urmat Baryktabasov (also known as Askarbekov). The identities of three additional detainees have not been publicly disclosed. Kadyrbek Atambayev has been remanded in custody until January 17, 2026, according to his lawyer Sergei Slesarev, who confirmed that...

Human rights

‘No Complaints,’ Says Tajikistan Ombudsman Amid Allegations of Journalist Mistreatment

Representatives from the Office of the Human Rights Ombudsman in Tajikistan stated they have met with several imprisoned journalists and received no formal complaints from them. The announcement was made by Khusniddin Nidoev, deputy head of the department for civil and political rights protection, during a press conference on August 4. Visit to the Detention Facility According to Nidoev, he personally visited the “First Soviet” correctional colony on May 5, where he met with journalists Daler Emomali, Zavkibek Saidamin, Abdullo Gurbati, and Ahmad Ibrohim, editor-in-chief of the regional newspaper Paik. “We are in constant contact with them. Even during phone conversations with the heads of institutions, we ask about their condition, especially those whose names are widely covered in the media,” Nidoev said. He added that the journalists expressed satisfaction with their conditions and did not report any grievances. Relatives Raise Concerns However, relatives of other imprisoned journalists have reported troubling circumstances. The family of Abdusattor Pirmuahmadzoda, a blogger and former employee of Radio Sadoi Dushanbe, said they have had no contact with him since March. His brother, Abdukarim, told Asia-Plus that Abdusattor was placed in solitary confinement after he publicly questioned why his name was excluded from a list of candidates for amnesty during an official visit to the prison. Since then, neither his wife nor his children have been able to visit him, despite repeated requests. Nidoev confirmed that the ombudsman’s office met with Pirmuahmadzoda in 2024 while he was held in a Khujand prison but acknowledged that no such visit has occurred this year. He promised to investigate his current status. In a separate case, the wife of Zavkibek Saidamin, Mahfirat Khudoynazarova, reported in early July that her husband is suffering from a nervous condition and experiencing pain in his spine and eyes. “We sent him medicine. He is taking it. They said he was examined by an eye doctor and treated. But he still doesn’t feel well,” she told Asia-Plus. Meanwhile, the families of Daler Emomali and Ahmad Ibrohim have said their relatives are in stable condition, although they continue to object to their imprisonment. Sentences and Human Rights Reactions The prison terms for the journalists range from seven to over ten years. Ahmad Ibrohim was sentenced to 10 years and 4 months, Daler Emomali to 10 years, Abdullo Gurbati to 7.5 years, and both Abdusattor Pirmuahmadzoda and Zavkibek Saidamin to 7 years each. Appeals filed by defense lawyers and relatives have been rejected by higher courts, leaving the sentences in force. International human rights organizations, including Reporters Without Borders, have repeatedly condemned the imprisonments as politically motivated and called for the journalists’ immediate release. To date, Tajik authorities have not responded publicly to these demands. Since 2022, at least six journalists have been arrested and sentenced to lengthy prison terms in Tajikistan.

Media Crackdown

Kyrgyzstan Shutters April TV as President Signs New Media Law

A district court in Bishkek has ordered the liquidation of April TV, one of Kyrgyzstan’s few remaining independent broadcasters, intensifying what some observers are calling an ongoing campaign to silence dissenting voices in the country’s media landscape. The decision, handed down by the Oktyabr District Court on July 9, followed a lawsuit brought by state prosecutors who alleged that the broadcaster's content was “biased, one-sided, destructive and manipulative,” and posed a threat to the constitutional order. In a related development, on July 11, President Sadyr Japarov signed a new law clamping down on media freedom into force. In the district court, prosecutors argued that April TV’s content risked inciting mass unrest and undermining the authority of the state. The court’s ruling cited assessments conducted by the State Committee for National Security (GKNB), which claimed that the broadcaster’s video reports negatively influenced public opinion, insulted government officials, and could provoke calls for the seizure of power. Over the past two years, President Japarov's administration claims to have successfully thwarted several attempted coups and assassination plots targeting high-ranking officials. These incidents, according to the government, highlight ongoing challenges to political stability in Kyrgyzstan, which has framed its efforts as critical to ensuring the country’s continued progress amidst a complex regional and domestic landscape. In addition to terminating April TV’s legal status, the court also authorized the blocking of its online platforms and affiliated channels, including the popular YouTube-based partner channel Next TV. Editor-in-chief of April TV, Dmitriy Lozhnikov, rejected the government’s claims, defending the station’s critical tone and stating that “criticizing the government isn’t a crime, but one of the core functions of the press.” In a final message before going offline, the outlet declared it was taking “a vacation from which [we] might never return.” At least ten current and former staff members of April TV were summoned for questioning by the GKNB as part of a broader criminal probe. No specific charges have been disclosed. The closure of April TV mirrors actions taken against other prominent independent outlets in Kyrgyzstan over the past two years. In February 2024, a Bishkek court approved the liquidation of Kloop, a media organization known for its investigative reporting on corruption – a ruling later upheld by the Supreme Court. The authorities claimed that its charter did not permit Kloop to engage in journalism, and objected to what they described as the “negative tone” of its reporting. In late May, the security forces conducted coordinated raids on the homes of eight current and former Kloop employees in Bishkek and Osh — detaining two on charges of “public calls for mass unrest” and compelling the others to sign non-disclosure agreements. Kloop has relocated its operations abroad, maintaining access to its content in Kyrgyzstan through mirror sites and launching a new podcast studio in Georgia. Despite mounting pressure, the outlet’s leadership remains defiant, vowing to continue producing the “most incisive investigations, the most objective news, and the boldest commentary.” In a similar vein, the investigative media outlet Temirov...

Press Freedom

Kyrgyz Authorities Step Up Pressure on Kloop: Searches, Arrests, and International Outcry

In late May, Kyrgyz security forces conducted coordinated raids on the homes of eight current and former employees of the independent media outlet Kloop. Operatives from the State Committee for National Security (GKNB) simultaneously entered apartments in Bishkek and Osh. Video journalist Alexander Alexandrov and former cameraman Joomart Duulatov were detained and remain in custody on charges of “public calls for mass unrest” under Article 278 of the Criminal Code. The other six individuals were released after hours of interrogation but were compelled to sign non-disclosure agreements. According to Kloop’s editorial staff, five minutes before the raids began, the outlet received an anonymous email with the subject line: “You have crossed the line.” The incident drew swift condemnation from human rights groups. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) demanded an immediate end to what it described as persecution, while other international organizations called for the charges to be dropped. From Student Project to Investigative Powerhouse Founded in 2007 by journalists Bektur Iskender and Rinat Tukhvatushin, Kloop began as a training platform for aspiring reporters. The outlet gained prominence during its around-the-clock reporting on the 2010 uprising. It later evolved into a leading investigative publication, exposing high-profile cases such as the 2017 “Samaragate” voter data scandal and the 2019 financial network linked to customs official Raiymbek Matraimov. Despite legal threats, including lawsuits from the Matraimov family that were later withdrawn, Kloop’s reporting bolstered its credibility and amplified its visibility, making it increasingly unwelcome in official circles. Escalating Crackdown Tensions escalated in August 2023 when the Bishkek Prosecutor’s Office filed a lawsuit to dissolve the Kloop Media Foundation, accusing it of “negative coverage of government activities.” The Oktyabrsky District Court approved the request in February 2024, and the Supreme Court upheld the decision that July in a closed session. The ruling remained classified for a month. The Ministry of Culture subsequently ordered Kloop’s website to be blocked within Kyrgyzstan, despite assurances that the foundation’s removal from the official register would not impede freedom of expression. In response, the editorial team relocated servers abroad and registered a new legal entity. Nevertheless, the authorities resumed the pressure in January 2024 with searches targeting other independent outlets, including Temirov Live and 24.kg. By May, the security forces were back at Kloop. The investigation now alleges that Kloop continued to operate illegally post-liquidation, publishing materials purportedly aimed at “inciting public discontent.” This echoes the case against Temirov Live, where several journalists were imprisoned, including director Makhabat Tazhibek Kyzy, who is serving a six-year sentence. Human rights advocates argue the charges are part of a broader strategy to criminalize dissent. International Reactions The arrests have provoked international condemnation. Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Civil Rights Defenders, and Reporters Without Borders were among more than a dozen NGOs that issued a joint statement decrying a “new wave of repression” threatening the future of independent journalism in Kyrgyzstan. The statement urged the immediate release of detained journalists and called on international partners, particularly the European Union, to adopt a...

TCA Interviews

“I Dreamed of Writing Without Borders”: An Interview With a Kazakh Journalist in Russia

Elmira, a journalist from Astana, moved to St. Petersburg six years ago to study journalism. Since then, she has transformed from a reserved first-year student into a working reporter, navigating culture shock, social media censorship, and the outbreak of the war in Ukraine. In this candid interview, Elmira discusses Russian bureaucracy, casual racism, and finding her voice in the Russian media landscape. She also offers reflections for others considering a similar path. TCA: Why did you choose to study in St. Petersburg rather than stay in Kazakhstan or go elsewhere? Elmira: I applied before the war in Ukraine began. At that time, Russia seemed like a land of opportunity, where you could earn a decent living even without connections, which is rare in Kazakhstan. Plus, Russia offers state-funded spots for foreign students, as long as you pass the entrance exams. Kazakh journalism programs felt underdeveloped to me; they lacked tradition, experienced faculty, and institutional history. In contrast, Russian journalism schools had all of that. Also, I wanted to write in Russian. My family always spoke Russian at home, and Kazakh was harder for me, an experience common among northern Kazakhs. Studying elsewhere was financially out of reach, and among CIS countries, Russia was the most appealing. TCA: Why journalism? And did your expectations match reality? Elmira: I’ve loved writing since childhood, school news, travel stories, anything. I imagined journalism as limitless creativity. In reality, it has even more constraints than other fields: editorial policies, laws, and censorship. Still, I wasn’t disappointed. Restrictions force you to innovate, and a strong story can always be told within the right format. TCA: What were your first impressions of university life? Did you feel like part of an international community or an outsider? Elmira: The university itself was a pleasant surprise. Many professors were open-minded and genuinely interested in students’ ideas. That made me feel I belonged. But the student environment was tougher. Although classmates claimed, “We’re not racist,” jokes about Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Caucasians were common, and occasionally about Kazakhs too, disguised as “harmless humor.” These moments were alienating. You’re sitting in the same lectures, working on the same projects, but still feel like a stranger. TCA: Was the Kazakh diaspora in St. Petersburg helpful during your adjustment? Elmira: Definitely. The community is very supportive. Besides the consulate, groups like Atameken and Dostar host cultural events. I couldn’t volunteer, but I never missed Nauryz or Independence Day. Just being able to speak with fellow Kazakhs helped me feel at home. TCA: What domestic or cultural challenges surprised you the most? Elmira: Dorm life was tough. Once, I overheard roommates say, “How can you live with a Chinese woman? She must smell bad.” These moments were rare but memorable. Still, there were warm experiences. In the dorm, I befriended students from Kyrgyzstan, Armenia, and Tajikistan. We cooked together, shared stories, and supported each other. That helped me to feel part of a community. I was also heartened that many Russian students were genuinely curious...

Media Freedom

Kyrgyzstan’s Parliament Advances Restrictive Version of Media Law

Kyrgyzstan’s parliament has ignored more than two years of work by a special commission and adopted a new media law that preserves restrictions on the registration of media outlets. The version parliament passed in its second and third readings on June 25 requires the mandatory registration of all media outlets, including online publications. The Cabinet of Ministers is given exclusive powers to determine the procedure for registration, re-registration, and the termination of media activities. Back to Square One? There were strong objections from media freedom and rights groups to the mandatory registration of media outlets, including online sites, when the draft bill was introduced nearly three years ago. Since Sadyr Japarov was elected president in January 2021, pressure on independent media outlets has been building. The presidential administration said Kyrgyzstan’s current media law, which dates back to 1992, was outdated, and submitted a draft of a new media law in September 2022. International and domestic criticism was so strong that the bill was withdrawn, and eventually, a commission with representatives of the media community, including independent media outlets, the government, civil society, and legal experts, was formed. The draft just approved by parliament was the sixth version of the bill, and, until June 16, it stated that registration for media outlets would be voluntary. On June 16, however, when the Kyrgyz parliament’s Committee on Social Policy was reviewing the bill, four Members of Parliament, Aibek Matkerimov, Ilimbek Kubanychbekov, Ernis Aidaraliev, and Sovetbek Rustambek uulu, introduced amendments. One of these changes removed voluntary registration for media outlets and replaced that with a clause specifying that a media outlet could only disseminate information after its registration with the Justice Ministry had been confirmed. The Media Action Platform of Kyrgyzstan, a coalition of media outlets and journalists, complained that the changes introduced by the four deputies negated those that had already been reached after negotiations. The Media Action Platform of Kyrgyzstan also questioned why deputies “who did not participate in the working group, were not present at the parliamentary hearings, and have no professional relationship with the media sphere,” were allowed to propose those amendments. These objections were apparently ignored when deputies voted on June 25. The Fate of Foreign-Sponsored Media Another of the changes from the four deputies stated, “a foreign citizen, stateless person, or foreign legal entity, as well as companies with more than 35% foreign participation, cannot act as founders of media and television organizations.” That replaces an article in the earlier text that set foreign participation at 50% or more and said only that they “cannot be founders of television organizations.” There are some 2,740 media outlets registered in Kyrgyzstan, and only a handful receive more than 35% of their funding from foreign sources. One is Radio Azattyk, the Kyrgyz service of the U.S. congressionally-funded Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFERL). Most of Kyrgyzstan’s presidents have expressed a dislike of Azattyk at one time or another, though the outlet continues to enjoy popularity in Kyrgyzstan according to various surveys. President Japarov has made his views...