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Media

Nomad TV: Russia’s Latest Media Venture in Kyrgyzstan

Kyrgyzstan has a new TV station. At first glance, it’s the kind of cozy, local news channel satirized in 2004’s Anchorman. The headline item on December 10th was the fact that it had snowed in Bishkek, with the on-screen reporter treading around the city asking residents whether they felt cold. “Not really,” is the general response, given that plummeting temperatures are hardly a new phenomenon in the Kyrgyz capital. “What kind of precautions did you take against the weather?” the reporter asks one gentleman. “Put on a hat and gloves,” comes the droll reply. This piece is followed by an interview with a representative of the city’s police service, advising people to tread carefully on the icy pavements. Similar soft news items follow: an interview on the progress of Asman eco-city on Lake Issyk Kul; the modernization of a factory in Bishkek; and the announcement of a new coach for the national football team. These are hardly stories to make waves. Indeed, most people in Bishkek are unaware of the new channel’s existence. “It hasn't been a major discussion point; the only presence that I felt is this huge, green box that has been installed on the central square,” Nurbek Bekmurzaev, the Central Asian editor of Global Voices, told The Times of Central Asia, referring to the broadcaster’s temporary studio at the heart of the city. Yet Nomad is one of the best-funded media outfits in the country, offering salaries twice as high as those paid by rival organizations. And, in one form or another, it seems clear that the money is coming from the Russian state. So why has the Kremlin, which is hardly underrepresented in Kyrgyzstan’s media sphere, decided to throw such sums at a local news station? [caption id="attachment_40853" align="aligncenter" width="1600"] Nomad TV’s temporary studio on Ala-Too square in the heart of Bishkek; image: TCA, Joe Luc Barnes[/caption] A Bold Start Nomad’s initial coverage was not so banal. On November 23, the channel began broadcasting with a cascade of high-profile interviews linked to Vladimir Putin’s state visit to Kyrgyzstan on November 25-27. This followed a lavish launch ceremony at the city’s opera house, attended by Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman, Maria Zakharova, and the Kyrgyz deputy Prime Minister Edil Baisalov. Putin himself lauded the new channel in his speech on November 26, and gave its chief editor, Natalia Korolevich, an exclusive interview the following day. This followed a feverish autumn, which the broadcaster had spent poaching talent from newsrooms around Bishkek. This included Mirbek Moldabekov, a veteran broadcaster from the state television channel, UTRK; the head of Sputnik in Kyrgyzstan, Erkin Alimbekov; and his wife, Svetlana Akmatalieva, a journalist from the National TV and Radio Corporation. The channel’s producer is Anna Abakumova, a former RT journalist who gained fame reporting from Russian-occupied territories in Ukraine. These aggressive recruitment tactics have split the profession in Kyrgyzstan. Journalist Adil Turdukolov asserted in an interview with Exclusive.kz that anyone who has chosen to work for Nomad “is not particularly concerned with...

UN Security Council

Kyrgyzstan UN Security Council Bid Gains Backing from Central Asian Neighbors

In a show of regional unity, the presidents of all of the Central Asian countries have endorsed Kyrgyzstan’s candidacy for a non-permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council for the 2027–2028 term. The joint appeal was announced on December 4 at a UN press briefing in New York by Uzbekistan’s Permanent Representative, Ulugbek Lapasov, who called on UN member states to support the bid. According to Lapasov, the endorsement reflects the region’s intent to strengthen its voice in international peace and security efforts. Kyrgyzstan’s Permanent Representative to the UN, Aida Kasymalieva, welcomed the unified support from neighboring states. Kasymalieva said the move reflects “a shared commitment to peace, dialogue, and a constructive multilateral approach,” and emphasized that her country, if elected, would serve as “a responsible and principled” Council member that amplifies the voices of smaller and developing nations. A Regional Campaign with Global Aspirations Kyrgyzstan first announced its intention to seek a Security Council seat in 2017. The campaign gathered momentum in 2024, when President Sadyr Japarov told the UN General Assembly that it was time to correct the “historical injustice” of dozens of UN member states - Kyrgyzstan among them - never having served on the Council. Japarov also called for broader representation, especially for African countries, and pledged that Kyrgyzstan would work to make the Council more effective, transparent, and inclusive. In April 2025, Kyrgyzstan officially launched its campaign with a reception at UN Headquarters in New York. Foreign Minister Jeenbek Kulubaev outlined Bishkek’s core priorities: conflict prevention, sustainable development for landlocked and mountainous nations, nuclear disarmament, and support for UN reform. The event drew diplomats from over 150 UN member states. The bid has become a central part of Bishkek’s foreign policy agenda, with senior officials describing it as a long-term investment in the country’s diplomatic standing. The vote for the 2027–2028 non-permanent seats will take place during the UN General Assembly session in June 2026, as scheduled under UN election procedures. Local media have reported that Kyrgyzstan’s main competitor for the Asia-Pacific seat is the Philippines, which has also announced its candidacy. This would not be the first time a Central Asian state has held a seat on the Council. Kazakhstan was elected for the 2017–2018 term, becoming the first country from the region to do so. Its campaign emphasized nuclear disarmament, regional security, and representing the interests of landlocked developing countries. Kyrgyzstan has framed its candidacy similarly, not just as a national endeavor, but as a platform for regional engagement on a global stage. Domestic Challenges, Global Aspirations While Kyrgyzstan pushes for a seat at the UN’s most powerful decision-making body, concerns persist over the country’s democratic trajectory. Once considered the most open society in Central Asia, Kyrgyzstan has seen a decline in civil liberties in recent years, with growing restrictions on independent media, increased pressure on NGOs, and a pattern of centralized political control under President Japarov. In 2021, Kyrgyzstan adopted a new constitution that expanded presidential powers and weakened checks and...

Freedom of Speech

Information Sovereignty? Central Asia Tightens Control Over Its Information Space

Across the post-Soviet space, governments are adopting new measures that affect the scope of free expression. Similar trends are visible in Central Asia, the Caucasus, and parts of Eastern Europe, reflecting wider global shifts in how states manage their information environments. In Central Asia, where journalism has long faced political constraints, recent policies indicate a renewed emphasis on controlling the flow of information. From Georgia to Kazakhstan: Pushback Against Foreign Narratives Recent events in Georgia highlight these changes. The adoption of a controversial “foreign agents” law, widely described as a Russian-style or “pro-Russian” measure, reflected the ruling party’s growing hostility to foreign-funded media and NGOs, many backed by European donors, and triggered mass pro-EU protests in Tbilisi. Similar dynamics are emerging in Central Asia, where officials increasingly view foreign narratives as interference in domestic affairs. In Kazakhstan, legislative restrictions on so-called "LGBT propaganda" have sparked both domestic protests and criticism from international partners. At the same time, well-known media figure Gulnar Bazhkenova, editor-in-chief of Orda.kz, has been placed under house arrest, an episode that underscores the tightening environment for journalists. The Bazhkenova Case: A Turning Point for Kazakh Media Bazhkenova, a prominent editor known for critical coverage of Kazakhstan’s political elite and security services, came under scrutiny after Orda.kz falsely reported the arrest of Foreign Minister Murat Nurtleu, an unverified claim that was quickly debunked. Although Nurtleu remained in his position immediately afterward, he was dismissed later in September, prompting speculation that the incident had political consequences. Soon after his departure, law enforcement launched an investigation into Bazhkenova. On December 1, Almaty police searched her residence and the offices of Orda.kz. Authorities stated that a 2024 article had disseminated false information regarding a law enforcement officer allegedly caught accepting a bribe, an incident that officials assert never occurred. Another article reportedly misrepresented details in a property dispute, allegedly damaging the business reputation of the involved party. The Almaty police have since opened additional investigations into past publications from Orda.kz that may contain misleading content. Media organizations have largely responded with condemnation, urging the authorities to decriminalize the dissemination of false information and instead treat such cases under civil law. However, the Union of Journalists of Kazakhstan issued a pointed statement calling on media professionals to “treat the preparation and dissemination of information responsibly. Individual cases for the dissemination of inaccurate information cast a shadow on the entire journalistic community of our country,” the organization said. An implicit acknowledgment, perhaps, that Bazhkenova’s actions may have crossed legal or ethical boundaries. Parallel Cases and Regional Patterns While suppression of the media in Tajikistan and Turkmenistan has long been widespread, Kyrgyzstan - long considered the most politically open country in Central Asia - has also moved to tighten control over its information space. In early 2024, authorities introduced a controversial “foreign representatives” law requiring NGOs and media outlets receiving international funding to register under a special status, echoing legislation seen in Russia and Georgia. Independent outlets such as Kloop, Temirov Live, and Azattyk...

Kyrgyzstan Elections

Arrests of Opposition Politicians in Kyrgyzstan Sparks Outcry Ahead of Elections

On November 22, law enforcement agencies in Kyrgyzstan launched a large-scale special operation, detaining several opposition politicians, their relatives, and media representatives. The actions were carried out under criminal proceedings initiated under Article 278 of the Criminal Code of the Kyrgyz Republic, “Organization of Mass Unrest”. In three cases, the authorities also alleged attempts to “violently seize power” in what has become an increasingly familiar mantra. The scope of the operation and the number of individuals involved have drawn significant public attention. The arrests come just days before the parliamentary elections scheduled for November 30, prompting concerns among observers about the government's approach to managing opposition voices and maintaining stability during the electoral cycle. Official Version According to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, a “destructive group” was preparing to stage mass protests following the announcement of the election results in the Jogorku Kenesh (parliament). The group allegedly included politicians, former deputies, civil servants, and law enforcement officials. Investigators claim the suspects attempted to recruit members of the criminal underworld and sports organizations to provoke violent clashes. The ministry alleges that the planned unrest would start in the south of the country and then spread to Bishkek and other regions, creating an “effect of mass discontent.” The group reportedly operated through a defined structure, with “coordination groups” tasked with articulating political demands and criminal organizations responsible for applying pressure. Some participants allegedly pre-assigned themselves roles in a proposed political configuration. Investigators also claim the group intended to issue “unconstitutional appeals” and possibly seize government buildings, television channels, law enforcement facilities, weapons, and penitentiary institutions. Separately, the Interior Ministry announced the arrest of Social Democratic Party leader Temirlan Sultanbekov and said he had been charged with organizing mass riots. Waves of Searches and Detentions Local media reported that Kadyrbek Atambayev, the son of former President Almazbek Atambayev, and former first lady Raisa Atambayeva were brought in for questioning. Raisa Atambayeva was released later the same day. Former head of the State Service for Combating Economic Crimes, Syimyk Zhapykeyev, was detained in the Issyk-Kul region and transported to Bishkek for questioning before also being released that evening. Searches were conducted at the home of former deputy Shailoobek Atazov, while other prominent figures, including former Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs and ex-MP Kubanychbek Kadyrov, and the former CEO of the April TV channel, Dmitry Lozhnikov, were also questioned. Authorities linked Lozhnikov to the detained politicians. The Interior Ministry stressed that all actions were authorized by court orders and were part of an ongoing investigation into the organization of mass riots. Court Rulings: Arrests and Preventive Detentions On November 23, the Pervomaisky District Court in Bishkek issued preventive detention orders for ten individuals, including Temirlan Sultanbekov, Shailoobek Atazov, Ermek Ermatov, Damir Musakeev, Kadyrbek Atambayev, Kubanychbek Kadyrov, and businessman Urmat Baryktabasov (also known as Askarbekov). The identities of three additional detainees have not been publicly disclosed. Kadyrbek Atambayev has been remanded in custody until January 17, 2026, according to his lawyer Sergei Slesarev, who confirmed that...

Human rights

‘No Complaints,’ Says Tajikistan Ombudsman Amid Allegations of Journalist Mistreatment

Representatives from the Office of the Human Rights Ombudsman in Tajikistan stated they have met with several imprisoned journalists and received no formal complaints from them. The announcement was made by Khusniddin Nidoev, deputy head of the department for civil and political rights protection, during a press conference on August 4. Visit to the Detention Facility According to Nidoev, he personally visited the “First Soviet” correctional colony on May 5, where he met with journalists Daler Emomali, Zavkibek Saidamin, Abdullo Gurbati, and Ahmad Ibrohim, editor-in-chief of the regional newspaper Paik. “We are in constant contact with them. Even during phone conversations with the heads of institutions, we ask about their condition, especially those whose names are widely covered in the media,” Nidoev said. He added that the journalists expressed satisfaction with their conditions and did not report any grievances. Relatives Raise Concerns However, relatives of other imprisoned journalists have reported troubling circumstances. The family of Abdusattor Pirmuahmadzoda, a blogger and former employee of Radio Sadoi Dushanbe, said they have had no contact with him since March. His brother, Abdukarim, told Asia-Plus that Abdusattor was placed in solitary confinement after he publicly questioned why his name was excluded from a list of candidates for amnesty during an official visit to the prison. Since then, neither his wife nor his children have been able to visit him, despite repeated requests. Nidoev confirmed that the ombudsman’s office met with Pirmuahmadzoda in 2024 while he was held in a Khujand prison but acknowledged that no such visit has occurred this year. He promised to investigate his current status. In a separate case, the wife of Zavkibek Saidamin, Mahfirat Khudoynazarova, reported in early July that her husband is suffering from a nervous condition and experiencing pain in his spine and eyes. “We sent him medicine. He is taking it. They said he was examined by an eye doctor and treated. But he still doesn’t feel well,” she told Asia-Plus. Meanwhile, the families of Daler Emomali and Ahmad Ibrohim have said their relatives are in stable condition, although they continue to object to their imprisonment. Sentences and Human Rights Reactions The prison terms for the journalists range from seven to over ten years. Ahmad Ibrohim was sentenced to 10 years and 4 months, Daler Emomali to 10 years, Abdullo Gurbati to 7.5 years, and both Abdusattor Pirmuahmadzoda and Zavkibek Saidamin to 7 years each. Appeals filed by defense lawyers and relatives have been rejected by higher courts, leaving the sentences in force. International human rights organizations, including Reporters Without Borders, have repeatedly condemned the imprisonments as politically motivated and called for the journalists’ immediate release. To date, Tajik authorities have not responded publicly to these demands. Since 2022, at least six journalists have been arrested and sentenced to lengthy prison terms in Tajikistan.

Media Crackdown

Kyrgyzstan Shutters April TV as President Signs New Media Law

A district court in Bishkek has ordered the liquidation of April TV, one of Kyrgyzstan’s few remaining independent broadcasters, intensifying what some observers are calling an ongoing campaign to silence dissenting voices in the country’s media landscape. The decision, handed down by the Oktyabr District Court on July 9, followed a lawsuit brought by state prosecutors who alleged that the broadcaster's content was “biased, one-sided, destructive and manipulative,” and posed a threat to the constitutional order. In a related development, on July 11, President Sadyr Japarov signed a new law clamping down on media freedom into force. In the district court, prosecutors argued that April TV’s content risked inciting mass unrest and undermining the authority of the state. The court’s ruling cited assessments conducted by the State Committee for National Security (GKNB), which claimed that the broadcaster’s video reports negatively influenced public opinion, insulted government officials, and could provoke calls for the seizure of power. Over the past two years, President Japarov's administration claims to have successfully thwarted several attempted coups and assassination plots targeting high-ranking officials. These incidents, according to the government, highlight ongoing challenges to political stability in Kyrgyzstan, which has framed its efforts as critical to ensuring the country’s continued progress amidst a complex regional and domestic landscape. In addition to terminating April TV’s legal status, the court also authorized the blocking of its online platforms and affiliated channels, including the popular YouTube-based partner channel Next TV. Editor-in-chief of April TV, Dmitriy Lozhnikov, rejected the government’s claims, defending the station’s critical tone and stating that “criticizing the government isn’t a crime, but one of the core functions of the press.” In a final message before going offline, the outlet declared it was taking “a vacation from which [we] might never return.” At least ten current and former staff members of April TV were summoned for questioning by the GKNB as part of a broader criminal probe. No specific charges have been disclosed. The closure of April TV mirrors actions taken against other prominent independent outlets in Kyrgyzstan over the past two years. In February 2024, a Bishkek court approved the liquidation of Kloop, a media organization known for its investigative reporting on corruption – a ruling later upheld by the Supreme Court. The authorities claimed that its charter did not permit Kloop to engage in journalism, and objected to what they described as the “negative tone” of its reporting. In late May, the security forces conducted coordinated raids on the homes of eight current and former Kloop employees in Bishkek and Osh — detaining two on charges of “public calls for mass unrest” and compelling the others to sign non-disclosure agreements. Kloop has relocated its operations abroad, maintaining access to its content in Kyrgyzstan through mirror sites and launching a new podcast studio in Georgia. Despite mounting pressure, the outlet’s leadership remains defiant, vowing to continue producing the “most incisive investigations, the most objective news, and the boldest commentary.” In a similar vein, the investigative media outlet Temirov...