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Kyrgyz Prime Minister: Labor Migrants From EAEU Should Not Be Discriminated Against on Territory of the Union

Speaking at a meeting of the Eurasian Intergovernmental Council in Yerevan, Kyrgyz Prime Minister Akylbek Japarov said that tightening migration laws should not apply to citizens from EAEU countries. According to Akylbek Japarov, increasing trade between EAEU countries and developing cooperative ties is the basis for sustainable economic growth. However, the main participants in any integration are people, so the attitude toward the citizens of the EAEU countries in any state of the Union should be the same. “Such a level of integration has been reached, when business and citizens of member states understand and deeply believe in the unity of the economic union (EAEU), and respectively require the same attitude to themselves being on the territory of any of the EAEU countries,” said the head of the Cabinet. Therefore, according to Japarov, the leadership of the EAEU countries should pay special attention when tightening migration legislation and adjust their attitudes toward migrants from union countries. Following the terrorist attack on the Crocus City Hall near Moscow, the Russian authorities significantly tightened migration legislation. Thousands of citizens, mainly from Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, were subjected to forced deportation. The restrictions also affected Kyrgyz citizens, although the country is a member of the EAEU. “We proceed from the fact that legislative initiatives should not contradict the norms of the EAEU treaty; that is, they should not apply to our working citizens and members of their families. Both in the documents initiated by state structures and in the public space, it is necessary to separate the rights of citizens of the EAEU countries from those of countries that are not part of it,” Japarov emphasized. According to official data, about half a million Kyrgyz citizens work in Russia. The unofficial figure may be two or three times higher.

Russia Politics children rights incident elementary school

Tashkent Teacher at Center of Political Debate Arrested for Second Violent Outburst

The Times of Central Asia previously reported that оn September 23, a teacher at a school in Tashkent’s Chilonzor district was filmed slapping a student when the child asked for the Russian language class to be taught in Russian. The Children’s Ombudsman of Uzbekistan, Surayyo Rahmonova, has begun an investigation into the incident. The spokesperson for Russia's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Maria Zakharova, said that she was worried about the content of the video published online, and asked Uzbekistan to make a legal assessment of this incident. In response, Alisher Qodirov, the leader of Uzbekistan’s Milli Tiklanish (National Revival) party and deputy speaker of the lower house of parliament, urged Russia not to interfere in Uzbekistan's domestic affairs, commenting that “it would be better for [Russia] to deal with their own affairs [which are] full of problems than to deal with our internal issues." Russian Senator Andrei Klimov reponded to Qodirov’s statement, saying that “inter-ethnic relations are very delicate” between Uzbeks and Russians. He called the teacher’s actions “an offense, maybe more” and expressed bewilderment at Qodirov’s remarks. The teacher has since committed other offenses. On September 24, she went to her daughter’s school in another district of Tashkent, where she argued with the school administration and used physical force against the deputy director. When officers from the National Guard and the Interior Administration intervened to restore order, the teacher resisted their demands. She was later sentenced to seven days of administrative detention and fined.

Russia Atomic Energy Nuclear Energy Power generation Rosatom low-capacity nuclear power plant

Rosatom Considering Constructing Nuclear Power Plant in Northern Kyrgyzstan

Representatives of the Russian company Rosatom announced at a briefing that a low-capacity nuclear power plant may be built in Kyrgyzstan's northern Chui region. According to them, a preliminary feasibility study has already been developed. According to Rosatom, the company's specialists have studied the seismic potential of southern Kyrgyzstan and concluded that there are many faults in the earth's crust. This fact is reason enough not to build the plant in the south of the country. In contrast, Kyrgyzstan's north is less prone to seismic fluctuations. “The most suitable location for this project is the northern Chui oblast [region], where seismicity is the lowest. But we have not been able to name a specific site so far. A detailed study is needed. There are places in Kyrgyzstan where a nuclear power plant can be built, but not many,” said Dmitry Konstantinov, general director of Rosatom's Russian representative office in Kyrgyzstan. He said many parameters must be considered when choosing a construction site. These include seismic activity, remoteness from population centers, power lines, and a water source needed to cool the plant. Rosatom stated that the design for the small nuclear power plant potentially being built in Kyrgyzstan was developed by adapting shipboard small-power technology currently used in ships. Each unit at the plant would have a capacity of 55 MW, with the possibility of installing up to six units, allowing the plant’s total capacity to reach 300 MW. For comparison, by 2025, Kyrgyz authorities aim to achieve a capacity of 400 MW (excluding the nuclear plant) through the completion of large hydroelectric power projects. Two years ago, a memorandum on constructing a low-capacity nuclear power plant was signed between Bishkek and Moscow. Since then, the Russian company has been working on a feasibility study and studying land plots for the plant's construction. According to the head of the representative office, serious discussions are continuing with the republic's authorities. “The decision to build a nuclear power plant in Kyrgyzstan will be made by the people together with the government. And we, for our part, will provide all the necessary information and technology to make it objective. We will inform the population about our technologies and decisions so that they feel safe,” emphasized Konstantinov. Rosatom signed a memorandum with Uzbek authorities on constructing a small nuclear power plant earlier this year. According to the Russian company, construction has already begun, and the first power unit may operate in 2029. On October 6, Kazakhstan will hold a popular referendum on constructing a nuclear power plant in Kazakhstan. Among the most likely candidates for construction are companies from Russia, China, South Korea, and France.

Finance Russia Banking Export/import Sanctions re-export

Kyrgyzstan Complicates Re-Export of Goods to Russia

Re-exporting goods to Russia from third countries through Kyrgyzstan are to become more expensive due to a new rule implemented by the National Bank of the Kyrgyz Republic (NBKR). The new protocol prohibits banks from making payments for goods intended for foreign countries without actual delivery to the territory of Kyrgyzstan. The rule came into force on September 25 and effectively closed the channel of transit payments for goods from third countries to Russia through Kyrgyzstan. The move is seen as a response to requests from international financial institutions. It might be instrumental in putting an end to Russia’s practice of avoiding Western sanctions imposed due to Russia's war in Ukraine. The new NBKR rule would also benefit the Kyrgyz economy, as re-exported goods must now be delivered to Kyrgyzstan and subject to Kyrgyz customs duties and taxes. According to Russian media reports, Russian importers have already encountered difficulties associated with the new requirement to transport goods through Kyrgyzstan, and the corresponding customs and tax costs, which makes re-export less profitable. The NBKR requirement does not extend to the Trading Company, established by the Cabinet of Ministers of the Kyrgyz Republic on August 23. Wholly state-owned, the company oversees trade flows involving Kyrgyz firms that re-export goods without physically delivering them to Kyrgyzstan. The Trading Company has the exclusive right to carry out trade operations without actual delivery to Kyrgyzstan. Companies that previously carried out trade without delivery to the Kyrgyz territory must carry out operations through the Trading Company. Also, the NBKR rule does not apply to deliveries made through e-commerce marketplaces for personal use.

Russia Politics children rights incident elementary school

Fallout From Assault on Tashkent Schoolboy Reaches Russian Foreign Ministry

On September 23 a teacher at a school in Tashkent's Chilonzor district slapped a student when the child asked for the Russian language class to be taught in Russian. The Children’s Ombudsman of Uzbekistan, Surayyo Rahmonova, has begun an investigation into the incident -- but not before news of the assault reached Russia. Maria Zakharova, the spokesperson for the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said that she was concerned about the content of a video of the slap that was posted on social media. “We have requested official clarification from the Uzbek side,” Zakharova commented. “The Uzbek side is urgently asked to give the media material a legal assessment and, if justified, to take action against the perpetrator of cruel treatment of the child. We are keeping this issue under the closest attention.” The leader of Uzbekistan’s Milli Tiklanish (National Revival) party and deputy speaker of the lower house of parliament, Alisher Qodirov commented on Telegram that “it would be better for [Russia] to deal with their own affairs [which are] full of problems than to deal with our internal issues. The violation of rights of an Uzbek child at a school in Uzbekistan will be investigated in accordance with Uzbek laws.” A vocal critic of Russian influence, earlier this year Qodirov proposed a ban on the provision of public services to persons who don’t speak the Uzbek, and the promotion of Soviet ideology and symbols in Uzbekistan.

Russia CSTO Diplomacy Belorussia Geopolitics Military Information CIS

The Illusion of Influence: The CSTO’s Journey From Symbolic Maneuvers To Real Challenges

Accompanied by a picture of military hardware - though in reverse gear as if symbolically - today, the CSTO (Collective Security Treaty Organization) website announced that “From 26 to 30 September, formations participating in the command-staff exercise 'Unbreakable Brotherhood-2024' with the CSTO Peacekeeping Forces are regrouping in the Republic of Kazakhstan. Contingents of CSTO troops are being sent from the Republic of Belarus, the Kyrgyz Republic, the Russian Federation, and the Republic of Tajikistan to the exercise area in accordance with the plan.” In reality, the history of the CSTO is one of refusals, inaction, and sometimes unexpected successes. On August 31, Armenia announced it had frozen its participation in the CSTO. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said he would not name the day when Armenia would leave the CSTO and called the decision to freeze the republic's participation in all structures of the organization correct “at this stage.” In many ways, this half-hearted decision reflects a certain amorphousness that originally characterized the CSTO. History The history of the structure's emergence reflects this lack of crystalline form. The Collective Security Treaty (CST) was signed in Tashkent between Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan on May 15, 1992. Azerbaijan, Belarus and Georgia later joined in 1993. The treaty came into effect in 1994 and was set to last five years. During the 1990s and the disintegration of Soviet-era institutions, organizations such as the CSTO or the previously created Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), whose founding protocol was signed in Almaty, were created to facilitate a smooth “divorce” between the newly independent states. The CSTO was also seen as a force capable of curbing the regional conflicts which were boiling over, such as the Mujaheddin in Afghanistan. Tashkent's bet on Russian weapons in case of conflicts with the Taliban did not work out, however. From the turn of the 1990s into the 2000s, two serious fissures across the borders of Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan took place; the republics fought back with their own military and weapons, in addition to Kazakhstan coming to the rescue. The Collective Security Treaty expired in 1999, with Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, and Georgia withdrawing, whilst Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan soldiered on under a new pact. The remaining states later transformed the CST into the Collective Security Treaty Organization in 2002. Uzbekistan joined as a full member of the CSTO in 2006 but then flip-flopped and suspended its membership in 2012. A powerless organization While the CSTO was still developing, with President Vladimir Putin coming to power in Russia, the Kremlin's foreign policy changed substantively from that of the Yeltsin era, when Moscow remained indifferent to Nursultan Nazarbayev's integration initiatives. The new direction of Russian foreign policy was expressed in the concepts of “Russia rising from its knees” and the "gathering of lands.” Over time, this evolved into joint war games and military operations with the West in the Middle East and Africa, and for a period the Kremlin seemed to lose interest in Central Asia....