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Kazakhstan May Manufacture Turkish Bayraktar Drones

A delegation headed by Kazakhstan's Minister of Defense , Colonel General Ruslan Zhaksylykov, attended the IV International Exhibition of Defense and Aerospace Equipment SAHA EXPO-2024 opening ceremony in Istanbul. The event brought together leading representatives of the military-industrial complex of Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. It demonstrated the latest developments, including automatic troop and battle management systems, robotic systems, communications, air defense, radio reconnaissance, electronic warfare, radio countermeasures, unmanned aerial vehicles, and laser technologies. During the exhibition, Zhaksylykov held talks with Turkish Minister of National Defense Yaşar Güler and Chairman of the Defense Industry Agency Haluk Görgün. He also met with Mohammed bin Mubarak Fadel Al Mazroui, UAE Minister of State for Defense Affairs. Special attention was paid to the talks with Baykar Defense CEO Haluk Bayraktar. The parties agreed on developing a roadmap for the localization of the production of tactical unmanned aircraft systems and barrage munitions at the operational level in Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan is actively developing the production of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) with the involvement of foreign partners. One of the significant projects is the joint production of Anka drones with Turkey, which will start in 2024. The agreement between Turkish Aerospace Industries (TAI) and Kazakhstan Engineering provides for technology transfer and the creation of an assembly line, allowing Kazakhstan to produce drones independently in the future. In addition to Turkey, Kazakhstan cooperates with South Korea and China on drones. In 2023, Petropavlovsk established local drone production using components from China. Such steps contribute to the development of Kazakhstan's defense industry and reduce dependence on imports.

The Illusion of Influence: The CSTO’s Journey From Symbolic Maneuvers To Real Challenges

Accompanied by a picture of military hardware - though in reverse gear as if symbolically - today, the CSTO (Collective Security Treaty Organization) website announced that “From 26 to 30 September, formations participating in the command-staff exercise 'Unbreakable Brotherhood-2024' with the CSTO Peacekeeping Forces are regrouping in the Republic of Kazakhstan. Contingents of CSTO troops are being sent from the Republic of Belarus, the Kyrgyz Republic, the Russian Federation, and the Republic of Tajikistan to the exercise area in accordance with the plan.” In reality, the history of the CSTO is one of refusals, inaction, and sometimes unexpected successes. On August 31, Armenia announced it had frozen its participation in the CSTO. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said he would not name the day when Armenia would leave the CSTO and called the decision to freeze the republic's participation in all structures of the organization correct “at this stage.” In many ways, this half-hearted decision reflects a certain amorphousness that originally characterized the CSTO.   History The history of the structure's emergence reflects this lack of crystalline form. The Collective Security Treaty (CST) was signed in Tashkent between Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan on May 15, 1992. Azerbaijan, Belarus and Georgia later joined in 1993. The treaty came into effect in 1994 and was set to last five years. During the 1990s and the disintegration of Soviet-era institutions, organizations such as the CSTO or the previously created Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), whose founding protocol was signed in Almaty, were created to facilitate a smooth “divorce” between the newly independent states. The CSTO was also seen as a force capable of curbing the regional conflicts which were boiling over, such as the Mujaheddin in Afghanistan. Tashkent's bet on Russian weapons in case of conflicts with the Taliban did not work out, however. From the turn of the 1990s into the 2000s, two serious fissures across the borders of Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan took place; the republics fought back with their own military and weapons, in addition to Kazakhstan coming to the rescue. The Collective Security Treaty expired in 1999, with Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, and Georgia withdrawing, whilst Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan soldiered on under a new pact. The remaining states later transformed the CST into the Collective Security Treaty Organization in 2002. Uzbekistan joined as a full member of the CSTO in 2006 but then flip-flopped and suspended its membership in 2012.   A powerless organization While the CSTO was still developing, with President Vladimir Putin coming to power in Russia, the Kremlin's foreign policy changed substantively from that of the Yeltsin era, when Moscow remained indifferent to Nursultan Nazarbayev's integration initiatives. The new direction of Russian foreign policy was expressed in the concepts of “Russia rising from its knees” and the "gathering of lands.” Over time, this evolved into joint war games and military operations with the West in the Middle East and Africa, and for a period the Kremlin seemed to lose interest in Central Asia....

Agreement on Classified Military Information Signed between Uzbekistan and U.S.

The agreement “On the ratification of the agreement between the Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Uzbekistan and the U.S. Department of Defense on measures to protect classified military information” was approved, Platina.uz reports. This decision was made during a regular plenary session of the Senate of Uzbekistan. The 25-point agreement prepared by the Senate Committee on International Relations, Foreign Economic Relations, Foreign Investments and Tourism, was signed in Washington on June 9, 2023. According to the chairman of the Committee, Ravshanbek Alimov, the official visit of the President of Uzbekistan to the USA on May 15-17, 2018 was a strong impetus to the strategic development of Uzbekistan-U.S. relations. One of the important directions of partnership between the two countries is, of course, the military-technical partnership. In the discussion, it was noted that ratification of this agreement does not require any changes to the practical legislation of Uzbekistan or the allocation of additional funds from the budget.