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UN General Assembly

Central Asia at the UN: Saida Mirziyoyeva to Represent Uzbekistan

Saida Mirziyoyeva, the head of Uzbekistan’s Presidential Administration and daughter of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, is expected to deliver the country’s address at the UN General Assembly’s general debate in New York. Her appearance comes as Central Asian delegations seek support for regional development and prepare for a larger role in UN diplomacy. On September 22, Gazeta reported that Mirziyoyeva would represent Uzbekistan in the debate. Her father delivered the country’s address last year. The report did not specify the proposals she would present. Mirziyoyeva met UN Secretary-General António Guterres on September 21. Her public account described discussions on cooperation with the UN, but provided no detailed negotiating agenda. The assignment follows her appointment as administration chief in June 2025, when the president restored a post abolished two years earlier. She had previously served as his assistant. This month, Mirziyoyev also appointed her to head the planned Tashkent International Financial Centre, which aims to attract private capital through tax incentives and a legal framework drawing on English common law principles. Mirziyoyeva’s UN appearance adds a major diplomatic assignment to her domestic responsibilities. She has addressed UN events before, including a water conference in 2023. Delivering Uzbekistan’s national statement in the General Assembly would give her a broader platform to present government policy. What is On the Agenda The general debate runs from September 22 to 26 and resumes on September 28. It is the centerpiece of the General Assembly’s high-level week, when world leaders address the UN and hold bilateral talks on the sidelines. The gathering is based at UN headquarters in New York, with additional events around the city. This year’s theme is “Restoring trust, managing transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all.” Practical discussions include reforming the organization and financing development. The European Council’s published priorities call for a more effective, cost-efficient UN and stronger international peace and security mechanisms. The week also brings diplomacy over the war in Ukraine. Volodymyr Zelenskiy is due to meet U.S. President Donald Trump in New York to press for a halt to attacks on energy infrastructure, Reuters reported. Those talks take place amid continuing strikes on power facilities and refineries. The week’s program includes separate meetings on climate action and a just transition on September 23, according to Kazakhstan Today. Pandemic prevention and preparedness will be discussed on September 25. Central Asia in New York The region’s countries are attending at different political levels. Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov is in New York after visiting Utah. His announced program combines participation in the UN gathering with meetings with national leaders and U.S. businesses. On September 21, Japarov met financial services group StoneX. The meeting produced memoranda involving Kyrgyzstan’s Finance Ministry and Eldik Bank, following discussions about precious metals trading and access to international financial services. Kyrgyzstan is also preparing for its 2027–2028 Security Council term. In a recent interview with The Times of Central Asia, Shumkarbek Adilbek uulu, director of the National Institute for Strategic Initiatives, described efforts to secure financing for...

landlocked developing countries

Turkmenistan to Chair Group of Landlocked Developing Countries

Turkmenistan’s mission to the United Nations says the country has been elected the next chair of the Group of Landlocked Developing Countries, which consists of 32 countries facing particular trade and transit challenges because of their geography and reliance on neighboring nations. Turkmenistan will begin its two-year term as chair on January 1, 2027, after receiving unanimous support from all members of the group in a meeting at U.N. headquarters in New York on September 3, the Turkmen diplomatic mission said. Azerbaijan will become vice-chair of the group of landlocked developing countries. The current chair and vice-chair are Bolivia and Kyrgyzstan, respectively. The new leadership will be endorsed at a ministerial-level meeting at the U.N. on September 24, according to the Turkmen mission. It said that Turkmenistan will take the lead in coordinating the group’s activities on pressing issues such as “energy and transport connectivity.” A key priority for the group is implementation of the Awaza Programme of Action for 2024–2034, a U.N.-backed plan that promotes infrastructure investment, deeper integration into global trade networks and other measures to help the countries overcome their geographical disadvantages. The United Nations says that the group of countries often face difficulties such as reduced foreign investment, limited export options, and slower economic growth. “Without direct access to coastal ports, landlocked developing countries must rely on transit countries to connect them with international markets. This can lead to increased transportation trade costs, delays in the movement of goods, and susceptibility to political and economic instability in transit countries,” the U.N. says. Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan are also in the group. While Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan have coastlines on the Caspian Sea, they are still classified as landlocked countries by the United Nations because the Caspian, an enclosed body of water, doesn’t have direct access to the world's oceans.

Desertification

UN Desertification Forum Highlights Central Asian Land Degradation

Mongolia is hosting a United Nations (UN) conference on combating desertification this month, with delegates from Central Asian countries discussing cooperation on the challenges of climate change, water scarcity, and sustaining vast ecosystems such as the Eurasian steppes. Bakhodur Sheralizoda, chairman of Tajikistan’s Committee for Environmental Protection, was among speakers appealing for more regional and international cooperation in the face of land degradation, desertification, and drought. While the meeting in Ulaanbaatar is aimed at the protection of rangeland and grassland ecosystems, Sheralizoda also noted the importance of preserving mountain ecosystems such as those that cover most of Tajikistan’s territory. He said Tajikistan is one of Central Asia's major sources of water and protecting its glaciers is therefore critical, Khovar, Tajikistan’s state news agency, reported on Monday. His comments highlighted the interconnectedness of the environmental challenges being discussed at the UN Convention to Combat Desertification, which started on August 17 and ends on August 28. The conference is focusing on “the arid, semi-arid and dry sub-humid areas, known as the drylands, where some of the most vulnerable ecosystems and peoples can be found,” according to organizers. The goal of the meeting is to promote sustainable rangeland management, climate-resilient land use, and land restoration across those fragile areas. Nearly 77% of Mongolia’s land is already degraded, and limited rainfall and short growing seasons make recovery from degradation difficult, according to the UN. More than 80 million hectares in Central Asia, or an area about four times the size of Kyrgyzstan, are already degraded, the UN says. Along with Tajikistan, the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan have been working on ways of mitigating threats to ecosystems, including soil protection and monitoring, drip irrigation, and the planting of seedlings. Late last year, Uzbekistan hosted a major international conference on wildlife trade, held under the UN-linked Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species, as countries and international institutions look for ways to counter global conservation pressures. In a commentary on PBS, Dr. Justine Shanti Alexander, Mongolia director for the New York-based Wildlife Conservation Society, said the hosting of the UN event in Ulaanbaatar “provides a unique opportunity to showcase to the world how healthy, high integrity rangelands underpin wildlife, pastoral livelihoods, and climate resilience.”

UNAMA

Opinion: Why the Next Head of UNAMA Should Come from Central Asia

A recent briefing on Afghanistan before the United Nations Security Council again showed that the country’s challenges can no longer be viewed only through humanitarian assistance or debates over recognition of the Taliban government. Afghanistan remains a deeply complex domestic issue, but it is increasingly becoming a regional one as well. The discussion now extends beyond human rights and political dialogue with the de facto authorities. It now includes the return of millions of people from neighboring countries, pressure on cities and rural communities, shortages of jobs and water, cross-border trade, security, and the future of regional transport corridors. Against this backdrop, the question of who should lead the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) is no longer only a personnel decision. It has become part of a wider debate about what international policy toward Afghanistan should look like in its next phase. The catalyst for this discussion was the recent briefing delivered by Georgette Gagnon, the UN Secretary-General’s Deputy Special Representative for Afghanistan, before the Security Council. According to Gagnon, the de facto authorities maintain control over both Afghanistan’s territory and administrative structures. At present, they face no significant armed or political challenge. The Taliban themselves view the restoration of security across Afghanistan as one of their principal achievements. Yet this does not mean the situation is stable. Gagnon pointed to a fundamental contradiction within the current system of governance. There are rigid ideological policies that place considerable pressure on society. There are also more pragmatic approaches that have so far allowed the system to function and survive. In other words, Afghanistan appears to have achieved a form of managed stability, but without a clear vision of where that system is ultimately headed. Stability Conceals Deep Structural Problems The economic picture is equally mixed. Afghanistan has recorded positive growth in absolute terms. Fiscal stability has improved, revenue collection has increased, and several infrastructure projects are moving forward. The country has also largely maintained the gains achieved through the reduction of opium poppy cultivation. Yet beneath these signs of stabilization lie significant challenges. According to Gagnon, nearly 5.9 million people have returned to Afghanistan since 2023. This represents a population increase of more than 10%. Another 2.8 million Afghans could return during 2026 alone. Many returnees arrive with no savings, no employment, and limited prospects for rebuilding their lives. For a country with a fragile economy, this creates enormous pressure. Cities and rural communities are struggling to absorb new arrivals. Jobs, housing, water resources, and social services remain in short supply. The humanitarian situation remains severe. In 2026, approximately 21.9 million people, around 45% of Afghanistan’s population, are expected to require humanitarian assistance. Another major concern is demographics. More than half of Afghanistan’s population is under the age of 25. This generation is growing up amid limited opportunities. While the challenges facing girls have received international attention, boys increasingly face difficulties as well. Employment opportunities are scarce, household incomes are declining, and competition for livelihoods is intensifying. Environmental pressures...

UN Security Council

Opinion: From the Indo-Pacific to the Eurasian Heartland – What Kyrgyzstan’s UNSC Win Reveals

After years of campaigning and four rounds of voting, Kyrgyzstan defeated the Philippines to secure the Asia-Pacific's sole non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council (UNSC) for the 2027-2028 term. Kyrgyzstan won decisively by 142-49, a result that underscores the growing call from small, developing, and landlocked states for greater representation at the UNSC table and highlights the increasing geopolitical importance of the Eurasian heartland. Kyrgyzstan promoted itself as a bridge-builder committed to advancing dialogue, applying preventive diplomacy, and utilizing mediation as a means to resolve global conflicts and reduce geopolitical tensions. The country outlined several priorities for its 2027-2028 term, including nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, regional stability, reform of the UN, stronger participation from the Global South, and greater attention to the needs of developing countries, landlocked nations, and vulnerable regions affected by climate change. These priorities likely resonated with states that have often felt overlooked in the UNSC, in contrast to member states such as the Philippines, which has already served multiple terms. Before its victory, Kyrgyzstan was among 59 states that had never been elected to the UNSC since its establishment in 1946. It is now the second Central Asian country to secure a non-permanent seat, following Kazakhstan's 2017-2018 term. Kyrgyzstan's initial campaign in 2011 ended in defeat to Pakistan, coming just a year after the violent 2010 revolution, when the country lacked unified support from its Central Asian neighbors. This time, however, Kyrgyzstan received the full backing of its neighbors after settling regional border disputes. This historic achievement reflects growing regional solidarity in the Eurasian heartland, where platforms such as the Organization of Islamic Cooperation have supported Kyrgyzstan's bid to enhance representation in the UNSC. With a non-permanent seat secured, Kyrgyzstan is positioned to advance its priorities and assume the UNSC presidency, which it is scheduled to hold for one month in 2028. This role carries considerable significance, as it enables Kyrgyzstan to shape the UNSC's agenda, schedule votes, manage operations, and lead discussions on conflicts, sanctions, peacekeeping missions, and emerging security challenges. Kyrgyzstan's election suggests a shifting diplomatic perspective in global geopolitics. Since the American pivot to Asia, the Indo-Pacific has dominated much of the strategic conversation in Asia, given flashpoints such as the South China Sea and the Taiwan Strait. Yet the vote also shows that Indo-Pacific salience does not automatically translate into UN General Assembly support. Many member states appeared receptive to Kyrgyzstan's argument that Central Asia, landlocked countries, and the wider Eurasian heartland deserved a stronger voice in the UNSC. Eurasia has long been a strategic area for culture, commerce, and conflict. Its vast landmass, stretching from Europe to Asia, has historically served as a crossroads for civilizations, armies, and trade, from the Silk Road to the two World Wars and China's Belt and Road Initiative. Today, Eurasia remains central to global competition over critical minerals, energy security, trade corridors, and logistics networks. Control of infrastructure and transportation directly shapes global supply chains, and as power balances shift, Eurasia is emerging as...

UN Security Council

Opinion: Beyond Multivectorism – What Kyrgyzstan’s UN Security Council Win Really Shows

Kyrgyzstan's election to the United Nations Security Council for the 2027-2028 term is more than a diplomatic milestone. It is a case study in how a small state can create political weight without possessing a large economy, military power, or a dominant regional position. On June 3, Kyrgyzstan won its first-ever seat on the Security Council after a competitive four-round contest with the Philippines for the Asia-Pacific Group vacancy. Bishkek led from the first round, with 105 votes against Manila's 85, and increased its support through each subsequent ballot. It finished with 142 votes to 49. The result is significant because this was not an uncontested regional rotation. Kyrgyzstan had to assemble a qualified two-thirds majority across the wider UN General Assembly. That required more than support from its immediate neighbors. Bishkek had to build support across regions, institutions, and political blocs. The deeper lesson is that small-state agency should not be measured only by material resources. It should also be measured by the ability to assemble coalitions. A Campaign Larger Than Kyrgyzstan Kyrgyzstan's campaign was not presented simply as a request for national recognition. President Sadyr Japarov framed the bid as a question of representation. When Kyrgyzstan intensified its campaign in 2024, he drew attention to the number of UN member states that had never served on the Council and argued for broader representation, particularly for African countries. Bishkek also positioned itself as a voice for small, developing, landlocked, and mountainous states facing security, climate, and connectivity challenges. That framing gave the vote wider political weight. Kyrgyzstan could not outspend larger states; it could not offer a large domestic market or a major security umbrella. But it could translate its limitations into a broader political language: underrepresentation, sovereign equality, regional balance, and the need for smaller states to have a voice in global decision-making. The campaign also received visible regional backing. In December 2025, all five Central Asian presidents endorsed Kyrgyzstan's candidacy, presenting the bid as a regional effort rather than a purely national one. That was the first layer of the coalition. The second was broader. In May 2026, the African Group at the United Nations received a dedicated briefing on Bishkek’s candidacy from Edil Baisalov, Kyrgyzstan’s newly appointed ambassador to the United States and a special envoy of the president. This followed Kyrgyzstan's public support for wider African representation in the Security Council. Because the UN ballot was secret, it would be impossible to claim that African votes delivered Kyrgyzstan's victory. Nor would it be accurate to reduce the campaign to a simple exchange of support. But the African track was an observable part of a wider coalition strategy. Bishkek aligned its own candidacy with an issue that mattered to a much larger group of states: the imbalance of representation inside the Security Council. From Multivectorism to Coalition Brokerage Central Asian foreign policy is often described through the language of multivectorism. The term usually refers to balancing among Russia, China, the West, Turkiye, and other external powers...