Kazakhstan Weighs a Unicameral Future: Tokayev’s Call to Scrap the Senate
One of the most debated elements of President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s annual address to the nation was his proposal for sweeping parliamentary reform. Tokayev suggested a return to a unicameral legislature, mirroring the single-chamber Supreme Council of the early post-independence years. “I personally had the honor of leading the Senate for ten years, and I have always regarded this work as a great privilege and responsibility,” Tokayev stated. “That’s why it is not easy for me to speak about parliamentary reform from this podium. Nevertheless, today I propose that in the foreseeable future, Kazakhstan consider creating a unicameral Parliament.” Tokayev went on to propose holding a national referendum on the issue in 2027. From Supreme Council to Bicameralism: Lessons of a Political Crisis The Supreme Council of the 13th convocation, elected in March 1994, quickly fell into conflict with then-President Nursultan Nazarbayev. Citing a constitutional discrepancy, Nazarbayev dissolved the council in March 1995, leaving Kazakhstan without a legislative body until December of that year. Kazakhstan’s current bicameral system, comprising the Mazhilis (lower house) and the Senate (upper house), emerged as a response to that political crisis. Initially, the Mazhilis included both party-list and independent candidates, though the system later shifted toward proportional representation. In 2022, the mixed system was reinstated, allowing for majority candidates once again. The Senate, meanwhile, has historically served to counterbalance the more agile Mazhilis. Senators are chosen through regional maslikhat voting or appointed directly by the president, a practice introduced under Nazarbayev. Critics argue this has enabled the central government to neutralize local dissent or sideline bureaucrats by sending them to a largely ceremonial upper chamber. The Senate’s inertia became especially problematic during past confrontations between the executive branch and parts of the Mazhilis. In 2001-2002, then Prime Minister Tokayev even threatened to resign unless Nazarbayev dismissed several cabinet members linked to the reformist Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan (QDT). Facing mounting political pressure, Nazarbayev promptly removed officials, including Deputy Prime Minister Oraz Jandosov and Deputy Defense Minister Jannat Ertlesova, among others. That political standoff, clearly not forgotten by Tokayev, may explain his desire to simplify the legislative structure and reduce expenses tied to maintaining the Senate. Reform Proposal Met with Mixed Reactions Kazakh media and political experts were quick to weigh in on the announcement. Most agreed on two points: the Senate has long been criticized, and Tokayev remains committed to opening up major reforms to public debate. Still, the initial wave of enthusiasm quickly gave way to more cautious analyses. Political scientist Daniyar Ashimbayev expressed concerns on his Telegram channel about regional representation in a purely party-list system. He noted that bicameralism is not exclusive to federal states and pointed out that Kazakhstan’s diverse regions have varying interests requiring nuanced representation. According to Ashimbayev, the Senate has functioned as a "collective lobbyist" and as a "social elevator" for regional elites. Single-mandate deputies, he argued, have also served similar functions. This critique highlights a less-discussed element of Tokayev’s reform: eliminating majority-elected deputies, a key feature of the...
