• KGS/USD = 0.01126 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00226 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09158 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01126 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00226 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09158 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01126 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00226 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09158 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01126 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00226 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09158 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01126 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00226 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09158 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01126 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00226 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09158 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01126 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00226 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09158 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01126 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00226 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09158 -0.11%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 208

One Step Forward, Two Steps Back: the EU’s Indecisive Strategy Towards Eurasia

Times of Central Asia Editorial Marking the next chapter in the geopolitical re-balancing competition between Russia and the West, the European Parliament (EP) on 13 March passed a resolution on deepening ties between the EU and Armenia. The document puts forth the possibility of granting Armenia candidate status for EU membership. Shortly after, Armenia’s Deputy Foreign Minister stated that a new cooperation agreement with the EU could be signed by July 2024. The EP’s “Renew Europe” block, at the forefront of some of the harshest motions and resolutions against Central Asian republics in the EU, endorsed this outreach towards Armenia. This comes a few weeks after Armenia froze its participation in the Russian-led military alliance of six post-Soviet states, known as the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), after citing the Organization’s failure to fulfill its obligations towards Armenia in its conflict with Azerbaijan. These recent developments should be considered in the wider context of the EU’s eastward outlook, which has not always been evenhanded. Previously, on 17 January 2024, the EP had passed a resolution detailing the EU’s strategy on Central Asia, which recognized that the region is of “strategic interest to the EU in terms of security and connectivity, as well as energy and resource diversification, conflict resolution, and the defense of the multilateral rules-based international order”. European leaders ostensibly want to bring the Caucasus and Central Asia into the Western fold and away from Russia, China and other competing regimes or ideologies. Economic and security considerations may indeed pull European and Eurasian interests closer. Nonetheless, Central Asian states will likely, and understandably, choose to implement a multi-faceted foreign policy to diversify their trade and security alliances as they continue to transact and maintain working relationships with their powerful regional neighbors. Note that Chinese, Russian and other non-Western investment promises in Central Asia outweigh similar engagements from the EU. There remain other potential obstacles to further cooperation. Not surprisingly, the EU seeks to have a degree of “values alignment” before establishing economic and security partnerships in the region, such as strengthened rule of law, human rights, and freedoms. On the other hand, the EU is sometimes perceived as giving conflicting and even insincere messages. Examples with regard to Central Asia include instances where the EU has asked for progress in certain areas, but then failed to acknowledge policy implementation, or even doubled down on its criticisms despite positive steps taken by the targeted country’s leadership. Take, for instance, the discussions in the EU around the violent unrest in Kazakhstan in January 2022. The EU has called on Kazakhstan to investigate the events and to undertake reforms. In the last two years, Kazakhstan’s president Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has overseen a batch of ambitious reforms, including enhanced political participation and representation as well as a stronger legal system and improved human rights, which are essentially unprecedented in the region. The progress made, however, does not seem to have materially swayed the EU’s outlook on the country. In terms of the investigations and...

Kazakhstan’s Improving Corruption Score Leads Central Asian Peers

Transparency International's annual Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) for 2023 has been published, with the global anti-corruption organization ranking 180 countries using a 100-point system. On the CPI scale, the higher the score, the lower the degree of corruption. Kazakhstan achieved the highest ranking  -- i.e. the highest score, and the lowest degree of corruption -- among Central Asian states, taking 93rd place with a score of 39. The republic improved its ranking by three places compared to 2022, meaning that the level of corruption has improved. With 33 points, Uzbekistan ranked 121st out of 180 countries in the new ranking, a gain of five places on its ranking for 2022. In 2023's CPI rating Kyrgyzstan scored 26 points and took 141st place, a rise of one place. Kyrgyzstan now has the same score as Russia. The lowest absolute CPI scores in the Central Asia region were observed in Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. Tajikistan took 162nd place with 20 points, and Turkmenistan took 170th place with 18 points. Compared to last year, Tajikistan improved by four places on the list, and Turkmenistan gained one spot.

Kyrgyz Authorities Confiscate $35 Million of Oligarch Matraimov’s Assets – Plan to Nationalize Another $50 million of Property

Kyrgyzstan's State Committee of National Security (GKNB) has stated that following an investigation aimed at returning embezzled property into state ownership as part of a criminal case against former deputy chairman of the Customs Service, Raimbek Matraimov, the government has seized real estate worth $34,810,000. At the end of January 2024, the authorities placed the infamous oligarch Matraimov, who has bounced in and out of custody since 2020, on a wanted list. Matraimov, who is popularly known as "Raimbek-million" for his multi-million dollar fortune has already pleaded guilty to embezzlement, and is now charged under the article "illegal deprivation of liberty" on suspicion of abducting and illegally incarcerating unnamed individuals. The former deputy head of the Customs Service previously had extensive connections in the Kyrgyz parliament and government, and went unpunished for years. In 2021, the U.S. authorities banned Matraimov and his family members from entering the country. Head of the GKNB, Kamchibek Tashiev, accused Matraimov of creating a mafia clan. "Raimbek Matraimov has been put on a wanted list. All of his property... throughout Kyrgyzstan will go into the ownership of the state. We will not leave even a [plot] of land. He will no longer be Raimbek-million as he used to be. There will be no such thing as a clan. To destroy this clan, in the Osh region [alone] we fired about fifty people from state bodies," Tashiev stated. In 2019, the State Service for Combating Economic Crimes launched an investigation into corruption in the Kyrgyz Customs bodies. Earlier, documents had found their way into the hands of journalists showing that Matraimov had withdrawn about $700 million from the country through various banks over a period of seven years. However, investigators didn't find Matraimov's property abroad. In 2021, Matraimov was found guilty of corruption and convicted, but after paying a $22.5 million fine to the state, he was released. Law enforcement has since uncovered more of the oligarch's assets worth another $50 million. The GKNB is continuing to search for more assets obtained by criminal means in order to later transfer them to the state, according to the agency's press service. Matraimov's whereabouts are currently unknown.

Kazakhstan Claws Back Another $98.5 Million From Nazarbayev’s Nephew

A well-known Kazakhstani businessman and a relative of former President Nazarbayev has returned another $98.5 million to the state's coffers. This money was returned as part of the criminal case against Kairat Satybaldy, according to the Anti-Corruption Agency of the Republic of Kazakhstan. "At present, the funds have been sent to the republican budget on account of compensation for damage caused to the state," said the head of the agency, Askhat Zhumagali. Satybaldy - a nephew of the first president of Kazakhstan - is a well-known businessman and former politician. He held positions in the Akimat of the capital, the National Security Committee, and developed business in the oil and gas industry, banking, the services sector, and trade. Satybaldy was detained in March 2022, accused of abuse of power and embezzlement on a large scale at both JSC Kazakhtelecom and JSC Center of Transport Services. In September of that year, an Astana court found Satybaldy guilty and sentenced him to six years imprisonment, replete with the confiscation of property and deprivation of the right to hold office for ten years. In addition, he was relieved of the title of Major General of the National Security Committee (KNB) and other state awards. In total, since the beginning of 2022, the Anti-Corruption Agency has returned $2 billion of illegally withdrawn assets, of which almost $1.5 billion belonged to Satybaldy. These include a stake in state company, Kazakhtelecom, companies in the railroad and telecommunications sectors, as well as jewelry worth more than $200 million. Additionally, as part of the criminal case, the state repossessed a stake in the Baisat Market, which had belonged to Satybaldy's son. The Agency noted that other investigations into Nazarbayev's nephew on cases related to non-payment of taxes and the laundering of proceeds from criminal activities are ongoing. At the same time, in order to preclude the withdrawal of embezzled budget funds abroad, the anti-corruption service intends to introduce digital technologies, including mechanisms for "coloring" money, and the use of digital tender to fully track how state funds are spent. "Long-term construction projects [and] untimely and low-quality construction are often associated with either embezzlement or withdrawal of money for further kickbacks to officials and other offenses,"Zhumagali stated. "Digital tenge as a tool will help us realize the [plan for] 'coloring' money. And if this money is allocated for salaries, it will not go in other directions. This whole procedure of money movement allocated from the budget becomes transparent, and all transactions must reach their goal; each tenge must be spent for a specifically envisaged purpose." In Kazakhstan, corruption continues to be one of the main factors hindering the country's economic development. In 2023, the country ranked 93rd out of 180 states on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index with a raw score of 39 out of 100. However, this saw an improvement on the ranking of 101st registered on the 2022 index, and following the resignation of the government, on February 7th President Tokayev targeted stamping out corruption as a...

Rahmon Approves New Leadership of Anti-Corruption Agency

Tajikistan's Anti-Corruption Agency has undergone a change of personnel. By decree of President Emomali Rakhmon, Sukhrob Safarzoda has been dismissed from the post of First Deputy Director of the agency, and replaced by Barot Rasuli. Muzaffar Ahmadzoda was also removed from the post of Deputy Director, with Firuz Kamolzoda appointed in his place. Meanwhile, Hilolbi Kurbonzoda became Deputy Director of the State Service Agency, and Firuz Sharifzoda became First Deputy Head of the Main Department for Protection of State Secrets. President Rahmon held meetings with the new heads, drawing their attention to the shortcomings and problems that exist in the work of not only just these state bodies, but also others.

Turkmen Prosecutors Fired in an Attempt to Curb Corruption

The Prosecutor General of Ashgabat, Ovezmammed Shykhmammedov, was fired and then arrested on the night of February 3rd, according to Turkmenistan's central state news agency. President Serdar Berdymukhamedov reportedly fired him for "improper fulfillment of his official duties and serious shortcomings in his work." Shykhmammedov's arrest followed the dismissal of Turkmenistan's Prosecutor General, Serdar Myalikgulyev, just two weeks earlier. The reason given was similarly named as a failure to properly fulfill his official duties. Both men held their posts for about one-and-a-half-years. During this time, they surrounded themselves with trusted confidants and ousted possible opponents from their posts. Former Minister of Justice (2013 - 2021), Begmurat Mukhamedov has been named the new Prosecutor General. He was Chairman of the Committee on International and Inter-parliamentary Relations in the Mejlis (Parliament) prior to his appointment. The position of the capital's prosecutor is still vacant. Sources familiar with the case say Serdar Myalikgulyev testified against Shykhmammedov after he was ejected from the session hall and afterwards detained. The former prosecutors are implicated in a scandal involving embezzlement from state-subsidized stores. They are also believed to be involved in Turkmenistan's recent agriculture crisis, wherein last year only half of the planned wheat and cotton harvest target was realized. This is seen as a driving factor behind such radical measures being taken against the former Prosecutor General, notwithstanding his distant ties with the family of the President. Despite being a signatory to the UN Convention Against Corruption since 2005 and crafting a five-year National Anti-Corruption Action Program, Turkmenistan remains the most corrupt country in Central Asia, ranking 170th out of the 180 countries included in Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index for 2023.

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