Regional Relations - The Times Of Central Asia

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 15

Regional Relations

Kazakhstan–Uzbekistan Partnership Signals a New Era in Central Asia

For many years, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan were seen as regional rivals, with many analysts believing this long-standing competition impeded the realization of sustainable regional strategies. However, leadership changes and expanded cooperation frameworks in Central Asia have significantly shifted these dynamics. Today, countries in Central Asia are shaping policies at the intersection of Western, Chinese, and Russian interests, whilst looking even further afield. As Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan assert themselves more on the global stage, they are increasingly finding common ground. In part because of their geographic size and numbers, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are seen as the leading states in Central Asia. Kazakhstan has the largest territory by far, while Uzbekistan boasts the largest population, which stands in excess of 37 million. Both nations possess significant resources and development potential. While their current leadership has dismissed notions of rivalry, its roots stretched back for decades. Historical Competition Tensions between the two republics date to the Soviet era, when the rivalry was evident even to ordinary citizens. The influence of Dinmukhamed Kunaev, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan, often clashed with that of his Uzbek counterpart, Sharaf Rashidov. Beyond personal rivalries between republican leaders, Soviet-era administrative borders were often drawn without regard for demographic realities or resource flows. Competition for Moscow’s attention and investment funding pushed union republics to emphasize different sectors - Kazakhstan’s development of virgin lands turned it into a major grain hub, while Uzbekistan long benefited from its cotton industry - creating distinct economic identities that later persisted into independence. These divergent economic structures shaped early regional competition and informed differing policy priorities in the 1990s and 2000s. Both republics had substantial industrial capacity, though analysts argue that Kazakhstan maintained an edge in economic growth. The Baikonur Cosmodrome, still operational today, was also a long-standing strategic asset within Kazakhstan’s borders. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, this rivalry only intensified. Nursultan Nazarbayev and Islam Karimov, then presidents of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, were widely viewed as competing for regional leadership. While their economies were initially on par, Uzbekistan gradually turned inward, while Kazakhstan opened to foreign investment, particularly in the extractive sector. In the 2000s, despite successful border delimitation, disputes flared over boundaries, water, and natural resources. Some analysts contend that it was this lingering friction that hindered efforts to preserve the Aral Sea, once the world’s fourth-largest lake, which has now largely disappeared, at least in its southern section, causing dust storms so vast they are visible from space. In 2002, the border villages of Bagys and Khiyobon, inhabited by ethnic Kazakhs but situated in Uzbekistan, demanded to be recognized as part of Kazakhstan. These territories had been transferred to Uzbekistan in 1956. They were officially reincorporated into Kazakhstan only in 2021. Presidents Reject Rivalry Narrative Kazakh political scientist Gaziz Abishev maintains that there is no leadership struggle today between Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. “An important point that was made is that there is no unhealthy rivalry between Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, or between Kazakhs...

AZAL Plane Crash

New Plane Crash Allegations Add Fuel to Russia-Azerbaijan Dispute

Earlier this year, Azerbaijan lashed out at Russia over the Dec. 25, 2024 crash of an Azerbaijan Airlines plane that the government said was hit by accidental Russian ground fire before crashing in Kazakhstan. Now, Moscow is coming under fresh scrutiny over the crash, which killed 38 of the 67 people on board, as a broader dispute between Russia and Azerbaijan sharply escalates. On Wednesday, an Azerbaijani news outlet, Minval Politika, published an anonymous letter and other materials purportedly containing a Russian air defense captain’s assertion that the Russian Defense Ministry gave the order to shoot down the plane as it tried to land in Grozny, Chechnya. The outlet says it can’t confirm the authenticity of the letter, and Russia has previously said an official investigation should run its course. But the dramatic allegation and the timing of the apparent leak to Minval Politika are likely to heighten acrimony at a particularly sensitive moment. Minval Politika said it felt compelled to publish the information for “society,” and that the “data obtained can serve as useful information for the competent authorities of the Republic of Azerbaijan investigating the circumstances of the tragedy.” The wider confrontation stems partly from the arrests of dozens of people of Azerbaijani origin by Russian security officials in the Russian city of Yekaterinburg last week. Two ethnic Azerbaijani brothers died in those raids, which Russian officials said were part of an old murder probe. Azerbaijan then detained staff at the Baku office of Russian state media group Sputnik, alleging fraud and other crimes. Russia, in turn, accused Azerbaijan of “unfriendly” conduct. The rift lays open the delicacy of relations between regional power Russia and most former Soviet republics that, since the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, have developed trade, diplomatic, and other ties with Moscow while trying to strengthen their own sovereignty and national identity, and engage with other international partners. Central Asian countries – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan – have generally maintained this balance and looked for diplomatic solutions to concerns such as discrimination against Central Asian migrants in Russia. At the other end of the spectrum, Ukraine has been in an all-out war with a Russian invading force for more than three years. Azerbaijan, in the South Caucasus region, has long maintained an alliance with Russia, which has gradually been losing influence in the area as it focuses on the Ukraine war and as Türkiye and other players gain more clout. Azerbaijan’s relationship with Russia soured markedly because of the Azerbaijan Airlines plane crash and what Azerbaijani authorities and commentators saw as an evasive Russian response to the disaster. The incident put Kazakhstan in a difficult position because the crash happened on its territory, just outside the Caspian Sea city of Aktau, and Kazakh authorities were therefore the leaders of an investigation that required the full cooperation of Russia to understand what really happened. Russian President Vladimir Putin had apologized to his Azerbaijani counterpart, Ilham Aliyev, but did not acknowledge that...

State Visit

Opinion: Mirziyoyev’s Historic Visit Opens New Era for Uzbekistan-Mongolia Ties

Uzbekistan’s President Shavkat Mirziyoyev embarked on a historic journey to Mongolia on June 24-25, marking a significant milestone in the relationship between the two nations. This landmark visit, the first of its kind in over thirty years since the establishment of diplomatic ties, signifies a new era of collaboration and potential growth in Central Asia. Accompanied by his wife, Mirziyoyev was warmly received in Ulaanbaatar by Mongolian Foreign Minister Batmunkh Battsetseg and a host of other dignitaries. Their arrival set the stage for discussions aimed at unlocking vast opportunities for multifaceted cooperation and development, reflecting a shared vision for a prosperous future. Despite the significant geographical distance that separates Uzbekistan and Mongolia, the two nations are witnessing a remarkable evolution in their bilateral relations. This burgeoning partnership spans several domains, including diplomacy, economics, transportation, culture, and humanitarian efforts. A pivotal moment in this relationship was marked by the recent inauguration of the Mongolian Embassy in Tashkent, which symbolizes a commitment to fostering closer ties. Additionally, the increased frequency of intergovernmental and interparliamentary dialogue reflects a shared ambition to enhance collaboration. The signing of 14 bilateral agreements further underscores a mutual desire to cultivate trust and strengthen the partnership, paving the way for a promising future. In recent years, the partnership between Uzbekistan and Mongolia has experienced a remarkable surge in trade and investment. This dynamic growth is underpinned by a robust and multifaceted cooperation that spans numerous sectors, showcasing the commitment of both nations to strengthening ties. Between 2018 and 2023, trade between Uzbekistan and Mongolia experienced a significant increase, rising by more than 8.8 times. This impressive upward trajectory has continued into the early months of 2025, with preliminary data indicating a sustained expansion. Uzbekistan exports a variety of goods to Mongolia, including vital agricultural and industrial products, while Mongolia has ramped up its livestock exports, enriching the trading landscape. The establishment of numerous joint ventures exemplifies, with many ventures operating in Uzbekistan featuring 100% Mongolian capital, primarily in the realms of trade and services. Both nations are actively identifying and pursuing opportunities for collaborative projects in critical areas, including logistics, agro-processing, and machinery manufacturing. A particular emphasis is placed on joint production initiatives in sectors such as leather, wool, and cashmere processing, as well as the fabrication of electrical equipment, machinery, and construction materials. Agricultural cooperation is also a key focus, with plans for joint clusters and projects aimed at the processing and production of meat, dairy, wool, and leather products. Enhancing transport interconnectivity and developing innovative logistics routes are prioritized, with a direct air service between the capitals anticipated to be in place by the end of the year. Cultural and humanitarian exchanges are being fostered through initiatives such as the Days of Uzbek Culture, which take place in Ulaanbaatar, and the return of Mongolian students to Uzbek universities. The recent meeting between the President of Uzbekistan and the President of Mongolia, Ukhnaagiin Khurelsukh, marked a significant step toward enhancing bilateral cooperation. Both leaders engaged in productive...

Kyrgyz-Kazakh Border

A Resolution to Kyrgyzstan’s Last Border Problem?

In April, Kyrgyzstan signed a border delimitation agreement with southern neighbor Tajikistan, ending a long-running and at times violent feud along the two countries’ frontier. Now Kyrgyzstan is taking steps to resolve its border disagreements with its northern neighbor Kazakhstan. The Joint Project Representatives from Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan met in Bishkek on May 22 to discuss the impending construction of an industrial transport-logistics complex on their border. Kazakhstan is building similar complexes along its borders with other neighboring countries (China, Russia, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgyzstan). The idea for the Kazakh-Kyrgyz facility was approved in May 2024, and work is scheduled to start next year. Economically, it is not a huge project, but symbolically, it could be a breakthrough ending years of aggravation connected to the country’s border crossings. The aim of the complex is “to jointly produce, store and sell medicines, textiles, as well as dairy, meat, and vegetable products.” In itself, the venture is laudable, but the location of the complex is what is interesting. This trade and logistics complex will occupy 3.6 square kilometers of territory in Kazakhstan and 4 square kilometers in Kyrgyzstan at a place not far from the Ak-Tilek (Kyrgyzstan) - Karasu (Kazakhstan) border crossing. Kyrgyzstan’s Ak-Tilek and the other four border crossings with Kazakhstan have been in the news for more than seven years due to long lines of trucks on the Kyrgyz side waiting to cross into Kazakhstan. This has become a sore point in what have usually been good relations between the two countries. The Legacy of Almazbek Atambayev Ever since the Soviet Union disintegrated in late 1991 and the five Central Asian states became independent, relations between Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan have been the best among any two states in Central Asia. This was evident along their border, which compared to the others among the Central Asian states remained lightly guarded and relatively easy to cross. That changed in autumn 2017, due to an incident that was unrelated to the actual Kazakh-Kyrgyz border. Kyrgyzstan was preparing for a presidential election scheduled for October 15, 2017. The president at the time, Almazbek Atambayev, was leaving office, in accordance with the country’s constitution that permitted a president only a single term. Atambayev had picked a successor, Sooronbai Jeenbekov. The leading opponent was popular businessman Omurbek Babanov, who was polling ahead of Jeenbekov in the run-up to the election. In mid-September, Babanov visited Kazakhstan and met with then-President Nursultan Nazarbayev. Atambayev was furious. On October 7, he said that the “Kazakh authorities want to force their candidate on us.” Atambayev criticized the way Kazakhstan spent revenue, hinting that average Kazakh citizens did not seem to enjoy the fruits of the vast wealth of the country. On October 10, without warning, Kazakhstan closed its crossing points to traffic from Kyrgyzstan. Later, Kazakhstan’s security service said the restrictions were part of a planned border operation and claimed to have registered 112 violations in less than 48 hours. As the line of trucks grew on the Kyrgyz side of...

Victory day

Victory Day in Central Asia: Honoring Sacrifice Amid Shifting Narratives

For the countries of Central Asia, Victory Day holds a deep significance. Although debates over the nature of the May 9 commemorations have intensified in recent years, the importance of the holiday remains unchallenged. A War That Touched Every Family Attitudes toward the celebration marking the defeat of Nazi Germany are largely shaped by each nation's level of participation in the war effort. Kazakhstan mobilized over 1.2 million people, nearly 20% of its pre-war population of 6.5 million. Of these, more than 600,000 perished at the front, with an additional 300,000 dying in the rear due to malnutrition, forced labor, and inadequate medical care. With a similar sized population, Uzbekistan sent approximately 1.95 million people to the front - or one in every three residents. Around 400,000 Uzbeks did not return home. Over 500 Kazakhstani and more than 300 Uzbekistani soldiers were awarded the title Hero of the Soviet Union. [caption id="attachment_31602" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Eternal flame and Crying Mother Monument, Tashkent; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] Kyrgyzstan, home to just 1.5 million people at the time, sent over 363,000 to the front. Approximately 100,000 perished, and 73 received the Hero of the Soviet Union medal. Tajikistan mobilized more than 300,000 troops, with over 100,000 never returning. Fifty-five Tajiks received Hero of the Soviet Union honors. Turkmenistan, with a population of 1.3 million, sent around 200,000 soldiers and officers; 16 received Hero status. Central Asian soldiers played vital roles in major battles, including the defense of Moscow. They helped liberate territories across the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The region also contributed 20-30% of its horse population, then a central component of local economies, for military use. The war profoundly reshaped Central Asia. Thousands of Soviet enterprises were relocated to the region, fueling industrialization. Millions of refugees from Nazi-occupied zones found sanctuary in Central Asian republics. Many children were taken in by local families and raised as their own. Today, many in Central Asia feel that outsiders fail to grasp the weight of Victory Day. While countries like the UK, U.S., Italy, and France recorded wartime deaths of 380,000, 417,000, 479,000, and 665,000 respectively, the USSR suffered over 26 million losses. German losses are estimated at 8.4 million. Celebrating Amid Controversy Recent years have brought a shift in how Victory Day is perceived in Central Asia. Symbols such as the Guards ribbon, criticized for echoing imperial Russian motifs, have sparked debate. Some argue that the holiday reflects colonial oppression, as the peoples of Soviet Asia were conscripted into a foreign war. These debates have grown louder since Russia annexed Crimea in 2014, with some now viewing the May 9 celebrations as a tool of Russian influence in the region. Nonetheless, Central Asian leaders have rejected efforts to "cancel" Victory Day, reaffirming its deep personal and national resonance. Efforts to distinguish the celebration from Russian state narratives are evident. Many events now emphasize patriotism rather than Soviet nostalgia. On May 7, Kazakhstan held its first military parade in Astana in seven years,...

Afghanistan

Central Asia Expands Trade and IT Cooperation with Afghanistan Amid Regional Growth Plans

The Central Asian countries continue to develop their trade relations with Afghanistan, a crucial factor in the region's economic growth and resilience against economic and political challenges. Afghanistan's key trade partners in Central Asia are Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Kazakhstan. While Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan play a smaller role, they still contribute by exporting electricity and agricultural products to Afghanistan. Afghanistan is Uzbekistan's fifth largest export market. Over the past five years, trade turnover between the two countries has grown by nearly 1.5 times, reaching $866 million in 2023. Currently, 550 enterprises with Afghan investments operate in Uzbekistan, with 443 being fully Afghan-owned. Joint projects span industries such as food production, construction materials, agriculture, tourism, and textiles. Recently, Uzbekistan and Afghanistan signed business agreements worth $4.5 million between their private sectors. For Turkmenistan, the most significant project involving Afghanistan is the TAPI gas pipeline. President Berdimuhamedov recently directed the government to accelerate the development of the Galkynysh Gas Field and expedite the TAPI pipeline's construction. The state company Turkmengas has already completed a 214-kilometer section on Turkmenistan's territory, fully preparing it for operation. This project is a key component of the country's socioeconomic development and investment program for 2025. Additionally, Turkmenistan is poised to become a transport hub for international corridors passing through Kazakhstan, particularly the North-South and Middle corridors, as well as the Lapis Lazuli corridor, which connects Turkey, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, and Afghanistan. Although Kazakhstan does not share a border with Afghanistan like Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, it remains an active trade partner. The Times of Central Asia has previously detailed trade relations between Astana and Kabul, highlighting Kazakhstan’s potential not only for expanding trade but also for entering Afghanistan’s IT market. The Afghan news portal AVA Press notes Kazakhstan’s role in regional stability and economic development. It also mentions Kazakhstan’s humanitarian aid to Afghanistan, including earthquake relief in 2023 and food assistance in 2024. The article touches on Afghanistan’s IT sector challenges and Kazakhstan’s potential role in addressing them. Afghanistan lags in IT development and relies on imported technologies, but Kazakhstan, recognized for digital transformation, could be a valuable partner. Kazakhstan’s e-government model, including the eGov platform, serves as an example of how digital services can improve governance and infrastructure. Choosing Kazakhstan as an IT partner is seen as a strategic decision based on the country’s internationally recognized digital achievements, strong economic ties, and mutual trust.