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Recognition of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan: Between Law, Diplomacy, and Pragmatism

After the Taliban returned to power in August 2021, the question of recognizing the new Afghan regime became one of the key issues in regional and global politics. Although no country has granted de jure recognition to the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (IEA), international engagement with the de facto authorities is becoming increasingly institutionalized. This article attempts to systematize and provisionally classify countries based on their stance toward the IEA. This is not a formal legal typology but rather an analytical tool meant to identify "stable patterns of behavior" in the context of interactions with the de facto authorities in Kabul. This approach does not aim for exhaustive academic precision but provides a basis for further discussion and analysis. To begin, we must clarify some basic principles, first and foremost, the institution of recognition. In international legal doctrine, the recognition of a new state or government is a unilateral act by a state and does not require the approval of international organizations. The UN, including the Security Council, does not formally conduct acts of recognition, but its approval is required for admitting authorities to the UN General Assembly, which constitutes formal recognition of international legitimacy and a willingness by the global community to work with them. The key mechanism here is the UN Credentials Committee. This is a special committee of the UN General Assembly consisting of nine member states, which change on a rotating basis. It annually reviews the lists of delegations accredited to participate in UN General Assembly sessions. Between 2021 and 2024, the committee decided to reject the recognition of seats for the Taliban government. In effect, this constitutes a denial of international recognition at the UN level. While the decision of the Credentials Committee has no formal legal significance as an act of recognition or non-recognition, politically it sends a strong signal to other states: the UN still does not regard the IEA as the legitimate government of Afghanistan. In other words, the Credentials Committee acts as a kind of beacon: until it is "lit," a wave of de jure recognition from other states is highly unlikely. Many countries, especially those following a policy of collective decision-making, will take their cue from the UN. For now, the signal remains unchanged: the international community maintains a cautious distance from legitimizing the Taliban regime. As is well known, there are two types of recognition: de jure recognition, which is complete and official and involves the establishment of diplomatic relations, and de facto recognition, which is limited and does not imply full legitimization of the regime. Removing the Taliban from national terrorist lists (as Kazakhstan and Russia have done) does not constitute legal recognition, even though some may portray it as such. The UN itself uses the term "de facto authorities" to describe the Taliban. At the same time, the UN Security Council sanctions regime on Afghanistan (under Resolution 2255) provides for the application of sanctions on an individual basis, without qualifying the regime as a terrorist regime. The...

Afghanistan Construction Bilateral Cooperation Marble Imam Bukhari Complex Monument

Afghanistan Delivers White Marble to Uzbekistan for Imam Bukhari Complex

Afghanistan has delivered 16 truckloads of white marble from Herat to Uzbekistan for use in the construction of the Imam Bukhari complex in Samarkand, according to the Surkhandarya regional administration. The marble will contribute to the ongoing development of the religious and cultural site dedicated to the revered Islamic scholar. The marble was officially transferred at the Termez International Trade Center during a meeting between Uzbek and Afghan officials. According to Uzbekistan’s state news agency UzA, the first shipment comprises 324 boxes of rare white marble, with each slab measuring 3.5 to 4 centimeters thick. Expanding Bilateral Relations Uzbekistan and Afghanistan have been expanding bilateral relations in recent years. In March, Uzbekistan sent nearly 200 tons of humanitarian aid to Afghanistan, including flour, pasta, oil, sugar, and other essential supplies. Looking ahead, the two nations aim to boost annual trade to $3 billion. In 2023, trade turnover between Uzbekistan and Afghanistan totaled $866 million.

Afghanistan TAPI CASA-1000 CAREC EU-Central Asia Summit Regional Security

Afghanistan and Central Asia: Pragmatism Instead of Illusions

“When the winds of change blow, some build walls, others build windmills.” — Chinese proverb Afghanistan remains one of the most complex and controversial spots on the map of Eurasia. After the Taliban came to power in 2021, it seemed the countries of Central Asia were faced with a choice: to distance themselves from the new regime or cautiously engage with it. However, it appears they have chosen a third path - pragmatic cooperation free from political intentions. Today, a window of opportunity is opening for the Central Asian states to reconsider their relationship with Afghanistan, not as a buffer zone or a source of instability, but as a potential element of a new regional architecture. At the same time, these countries are in no hurry to establish close political ties with Kabul. They avoid making declarations about "integrating" Afghanistan into Central Asia as a geopolitical region. Instead, the focus is on practical, rather than political or ideological, cooperation in areas such as transportation, trade, energy, food security, and humanitarian engagement. This pragmatic approach is shaping a new style of regional diplomacy, which is restrained yet determined. Against this backdrop, two key questions emerge: What role can Afghanistan play in regional development scenarios, and what steps are needed to minimize risks and maximize mutual benefit? Afghanistan After 2021: Between Stability and Dependency Since the end of the war and the Taliban’s return to power, Afghanistan has experienced a degree of relative order. However, the country remains economically and institutionally dependent on external assistance. Historically, Afghanistan has survived through subsidies and involvement in external conflicts, from the “Great Game” to the fight against international terrorism. Today, new actors, such as China, Russia, India, Turkey, and the Arab states, are stepping onto the stage alongside Russia, the United States, and the broader West. In the context of current geopolitical realities after the fall of its “democratic” regime, Afghanistan has found itself in a gap between the experiences of the past and a yet undetermined future. It has a unique opportunity to transcend its reputation as the “graveyard of empires” and determine its fate while simultaneously integrating into the international community. How the de facto authorities in Afghanistan handle this opportunity will not only shape the Afghan people's and the region's future but also influence the development of the entire global security paradigm. In parallel, the countries of Central Asian are building bilateral relations with Kabul on strictly pragmatic terms: participation in infrastructure and energy projects, food supply, and humanitarian aid. All of these steps have been taken without political commitments and without recognizing the regime. [caption id="attachment_30841" align="aligncenter" width="1062"] The border between Afghanistan and Tajikistan near Khorog, GBAO; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] Geo-Economics and Logistics: Afghanistan as a Strategic Hub The regional reality in Central Asia is increasingly taking on a geo-economic dimension. The region is not only an arena for the interests of external powers but also a zone for developing transport, logistics, and energy networks in which Afghanistan is playing an...

Water Access Afghanistan Amu Darya

Uzbek Minister: Afghans Have the Right to Amu Darya Water Too

The construction of the Qosh Tepa Canal in northern Afghanistan has attracted growing attention from neighboring countries, particularly Uzbekistan. The ambitious project, initiated by the Taliban to divert water from the Amu Darya River, is expected to be completed by 2028. Uzbekistan’s Minister of Water Resources, Shavkat Khamraev, addressed the issue during a public meeting on March 18, according to Gazeta.uz. When asked about the canal’s potential impact on Uzbekistan, Khamraev emphasized that Afghanistan has a legitimate right to access the Amu Darya’s waters. He dismissed speculation that the project represents a hostile act, urging a focus on diplomacy and cooperation. “Afghans are our relatives. They also have the right to take water from the Amu Darya. Should we take up arms and fight? No, we are building better relations,” said Khamraev. He urged the public not to be swayed by rumors or misinformation, comparing such speculation to gossip that turns neighbors against each other. Khamraev also noted that he had visited Afghanistan multiple times recently and was warmly received, which he sees as a sign of improving bilateral relations. Rising Concerns About Regional Water Security Despite the minister’s reassurances, experts warn that the canal could exacerbate water shortages across Central Asia. Over 80% of the region’s water resources are used for agriculture, but nearly 40% is lost due to outdated and inefficient infrastructure. If water availability from the Amu Darya decreases, greater pressure may be placed on the Syr Darya River, potentially deepening existing water disputes. Strategic and Geopolitical Implications The canal project has also drawn attention from international observers. A report by the Center for the National Interest, a Washington, D.C.-based think tank, suggests that the United States could leverage the project to expand its influence in the region. Stretching 287 kilometers with a depth of 8.5 meters and a width of 100 meters, the Qosh Tepa Canal aims to irrigate over 1.2 million acres of farmland and create approximately 200,000 jobs in Afghanistan’s northern provinces. As construction progresses, the canal’s environmental, political, and economic impacts are likely to remain a key topic in regional diplomacy.

Afghanistan Uzbekistan humanitarian aid

Uzbekistan Delivers Humanitarian Aid to Afghanistan for Navruz and Eid

Uzbekistan has delivered humanitarian aid to Afghanistan in advance of the Navruz holiday and the upcoming Eid al-Fitr. According to the Surkhandarya regional administration, approximately 200 tons of food products were sent to Afghanistan’s Balkh region. The aid was formally handed over in the city of Hairaton, at the Afghan facility of the Astras company. The ceremony was attended by Ismatilla Irgashev, Special Representative of the President of Uzbekistan for Afghanistan, Ulugbek Qosimov, Governor of Surkhandarya region, and Afghan and Uzbek officials. Muhammad Yusuf Vafo, Governor of Balkh, also took part. The shipment included flour, wheat, pasta, vegetable oil, sugar, instant noodles, red beans, and mung beans. Afghan officials expressed appreciation to the president and people of Uzbekistan for their continued support and extended their warm wishes for the upcoming Eid celebrations. During the visit, delegations from both countries met in Mazar-i-Sharif to discuss future cooperation. Talks also covered Uzbekistan’s role in supporting the construction of the Imam Bukhari mausoleum in Afghanistan. This aid comes amid ongoing economic challenges in Afghanistan following the Taliban's return to power in 2021. As traditional donors such as the United States and the European Union reduce their presence, Afghanistan increasingly depends on regional support from neighbors like Uzbekistan. Uzbekistan has previously extended medical assistance as well. At the end of last year, it was announced that Uzbek doctors would provide free medical examinations to residents of Balkh.

Women's rights UN Envoy Taliban Afghanistan

UN Envoy for Afghanistan Otunbayeva: Taliban Must Uphold International Obligations and Restore Women’s Rights

The Taliban must clearly demonstrate their commitment to Afghanistan’s international reintegration, Roza Otunbayeva, former President of Kyrgyzstan and now Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Afghanistan, told the UN Security Council on March 10. Otunbayeva, who also heads the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA), stressed the need for the Taliban to uphold international obligations, particularly concerning human rights and governance. Ongoing Crisis in Afghanistan “The de facto authorities have, so far, treated [Afghanistan’s] international obligations selectively,” Otunbayeva stated. However, she underscored that these commitments “affect not only the possibility of progress along the political pathway but, most crucially, the well-being of Afghanistan’s entire population.” Afghanistan continues to face a severe humanitarian crisis, she warned, adding that the ongoing defunding of aid programs is already having, and will continue to have, a devastating impact on the Afghan people. Welcoming the World Bank’s recent decision to provide an additional $240 million for Afghanistan’s health sector, Otunbayeva highlighted the collaborative approach between the UN and its partners in supporting the country’s economy. While Afghanistan has seen some economic growth and increased investment, she argued that the Taliban’s vision of economic self-sufficiency remains unattainable unless political and diplomatic obstacles to reintegration are addressed. Otunbayeva also expressed concern over the continued restrictions on women’s rights in Afghanistan. UNAMA has closely monitored the Taliban’s enforcement of the Law on the Prevention of Vice and Promotion of Virtue, introduced in August 2024. “The law demonstrates the de facto authorities’ prioritization of ideology over international obligations,” she stated. Afghanistan and Central Asia: Strengthening Regional Ties The Security Council also heard statements from several regional representatives. Kazakhstan’s delegate noted that the country has launched a wheat-farming initiative in central Afghanistan to empower local farmers. Additionally, Kazakhstan has supported the establishment of the United Nations Regional Centre for the Sustainable Development Goals for Central Asia and Afghanistan in Almaty. Both Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan have removed the Taliban from their lists of terrorist organizations in an effort to deepen trade and economic ties with Afghanistan. Meanwhile, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan have sought to establish formal political contacts with the Taliban-led Afghan government and expand economic and transport infrastructure cooperation. In contrast, Tajikistan’s relations with the Taliban remain strained. Afghanistan remains heavily dependent on electricity imports from Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, both of which are also involved in Afghan railway construction projects. Turkmenistan is currently participating in the construction of the Afghan section of the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) pipeline, which will transport Turkmen natural gas to South Asia. Speaking at the 79th session of the UN General Assembly in September 2024, Uzbekistan’s Foreign Minister Bakhtiyor Saidov reaffirmed that Afghanistan is an integral part of Central Asia and that addressing its challenges is essential for regional stability and development. “Uzbekistan is pursuing a pragmatic policy towards Afghanistan. We will continue to contribute to Afghanistan’s economic reconstruction and the development of its transport and energy infrastructure,” he stated. In August 2024, Uzbekistan opened the International Trade Center in Termez, near the Afghan...