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March for Women’s Rights in Bishkek: Kyrgyz Voices Demand Change

The annual March for Women's Rights in Bishkek on March 8 drew around 500 participants, reaffirming Kyrgyzstan’s status as the only country in Central Asia where such demonstrations take place every year, despite persistent pressure and resistance. The march began at noon in front of the former Ministry of Foreign Affairs building near Staraya Square. Participants, chanting slogans, walked to Gorky Park, holding placards demanding equality and greater protection of women's rights. "We Need Security, Not Flowers" Many posters reflected the urgent issues faced by Kyrgyz women: "Don't be silent." "Abortion is a personal decision, not a legal debate." "We need security, not flowers." "No to violence against women." "A WOMAN is NOT a free housekeeper. Not a reproductive item. Not cheap labor. Not an object of comfort." [caption id="attachment_29596" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Image: ТСА, Tamila Olzhbaekova[/caption] These slogans underscore the real challenges confronting women in Kyrgyzstan, including domestic violence, gender inequality, and the restriction of reproductive rights. "I Am Proud That Women Can Speak Openly About Their Rights" For many participants, the march was not just a protest but also a significant step in the ongoing fight for their rights. Mairam, 24, Osh: "I am proud to live in a country where women can speak openly about their rights. Despite all the difficulties, we continue to take to the streets, and this is very important. This march reminds us that we are not alone." Amina, 20, Bishkek: "This is my second year participating in the march. For me, it is more than just an event—it is an opportunity to voice the concerns of all women in our country. Here, you feel unity and support." Asel, 27, Bishkek: "Every year, I come here because I believe that the louder we speak about our rights, the more change we can achieve. Women in Kyrgyzstan deserve security and equal opportunities." [caption id="attachment_29595" align="aligncenter" width="1920"] Image: ТСА, Tamila Olzhbaekova[/caption] A Symbol of the Struggle for Equal Rights The Women’s March in Bishkek has become a symbol of resistance and determination, continuing despite repeated attempts to ban or restrict it. Year after year, more people take to the streets to affirm a simple yet powerful message that women's rights are human rights, and without equality, there can be no just society.

Regional Security Women's rights Education Security Afghanistan Diplomacy

Opinion: Balancing Rights and Realities – Engaging Afghanistan for Change

The attention of the international community has once again turned to human rights in Afghanistan following the latest report by Richard Bennett, the United Nations Human Rights Council’s Special Rapporteur on Afghanistan. In his report, Bennett recommended that member states consider the concept of gender apartheid and support its codification, noting that Afghan women regard this term as the most accurate description of their situation. This initiative emerged in response to the tightening restrictions on women and girls imposed by the Taliban. The renewed focus on gender issues is not exactly what Central Asian countries expect in the context of Afghan settlement. For them, it is far more important to address pressing issues of security, economic cooperation, and control of migration flows, which directly affect regional stability. Therefore, Central Asian states prefer to concentrate on practical steps and avoid over-politicizing issues that could complicate dialogue with the Taliban and exacerbate the situation in neighboring Afghanistan. Today, women’s rights have become a cornerstone in the international community’s attempts to establish dialogue with the Taliban. The rights of women in Afghanistan have been a journey, with different periods bringing different challenges. Back in the 1920s, Amanullah Khan was a real game-changer, giving Afghan women the official equal status they deserved. But then things changed a bit during King Zahir Shah's reign (1933–1973) when education became a priority, and girls started going to school. By 1973, a heartening number of 150,000 girls were proudly enrolled in schools across the country. And let's not forget the momentous step of Kabul University opening its doors to women in 1947. Since the Taliban’s return to power in August 2021, women’s rights in Afghanistan have been significantly curtailed. Women are banned from attending educational institutions, working in most sectors, traveling without a male escort, and participating in public life. These measures have already received widespread international condemnation — rightfully so — but the official recognition of "gender apartheid" as a crime against humanity could give this issue a new legal status and increase pressure on the Islamic Emirate. The question is: How productive is this approach? The politicization of Afghan settlement, especially through the lens of women’s rights, may only worsen the situation. Making gender issues a precondition for dialogue severely limits the space for negotiations with the Taliban regime. In the United Nations itself, the Taliban are considered the "de facto authorities" of Afghanistan, and dialogue with them takes place at various bilateral and multilateral levels. In this context, strict demands on women’s rights could delay or even halt the process of engagement. This is because the Taliban perceives such conditions as interference in their internal affairs and cultural norms. Dialogue at an Impasse: Is an Inclusive Government Being Set Aside? The international community — primarily its Western segment — and the Islamic Emirate have taken extremely rigid positions. For international actors, women’s and girls’ rights have become the top priority, while the issue of forming an inclusive government in Afghanistan has receded into the background....

Activist Women's rights LGBTQ+

Feminists in Kazakhstan Under Pressure Ahead of International Women’s Day

On March 8, the world marks the annual International Women’s Day, and in Kazakhstan’s commercial capital, Almaty, the authorities are again working to prevent public gatherings sponsored by feminist or LGBT groups. Since early February, several members of the feminist group, Feminita, have been detained in Almaty. Preemptive Measures Late March 3, an Almaty court sentenced Aktorgyn Akkenzhebalasy of the feminist group Feminita to ten days in jail after finding her guilty of violating the law on organization of peaceful assemblies. The charge dated back to May 2024, when six members of Feminita held an unsanctioned march in downtown Almaty, demanding a life sentence for former Minister of National Economy Kuandyk Bishimbayev. Bishimbayev beat his wife to death in a private room in an Almaty restaurant in November 2023. His trial from March to May 2024 was broadcast over television and widely watched by the public in Kazakhstan. Akkenzhebalasy was not the only Feminita activist to be jailed for participating in the May 2024 march. On February 28, Feminita co-founder Zhanar Sekerbayeva was jailed for ten days, meaning she would not be freed from jail until March 10, two days after International Women’s Day. Sekerbayeva and another Feminita co-founder, Gulzada Serzhan, were detained on February 13 after Bagila Baltabayeva, the leader of a group called Kazakhstan’s Union of Parents, and several other women burst into a Feminita meeting. Baltabayeva is also the author of a widely circulated petition against LGBT propaganda. Feminita activists said Baltabayeva called the police and complained that participants in the meeting were corrupting minors and had no permission to conduct their meeting. Kazakh independent media outlet Vlast cited witnesses as saying Baltabayeva also struck Akkenzhebalasy. All 25 of the Feminita members at the meeting were detained but quickly released except Sekerbayeva and Serzhan, who were kept at the police station for several hours and eventually charged with conducting public activities of an unregistered social organization. Baltabayeva and those who accompanied her to disrupt the meeting were not detained. On February 14, Feminita tried to have another meeting, but a group of women from the charity fund Rahym interrupted, calling the Feminita activists “foreign agents” and demanding they “get out!“ Again, police questioned the Feminita activists but not the Rahym members who burst into the meeting. On February 19, an Almaty court found Sekerbayeva and Serzhan guilty of holding a meeting of an unregistered organization and were each fined 393,000 tenge (about $1,500). The Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law released a statement noting Feminita had tried repeatedly to register with authorities but was always rejected. The statement also mentioned that Feminita activists had been attacked during meetings in other cities in Kazakhstan and that “All this happened with complete inaction or direct connivance of the police against the aggressors.” Women’s Day vs Women’s Rights There are no reports indicating that the authorities in Almaty, or officials in any other city in Kazakhstan, have approved any requests from feminist groups to conduct public...

Bride Kidnapping Women's rights Crime Parliament Legislation

Abenov Among Kazakh Deputies Targeting Bride Kidnapping

Kazakhstani parliamentarian Murat Abenov has proposed introducing a specific article in the Criminal Code to criminalize bride theft, suggesting prison terms of up to ten years. While some lawmakers support his initiative, others believe existing laws are sufficient to address such crimes. Proposal to Address Bride Theft According to Abenov, three crimes against women have been recorded this year under Article 125 of the Criminal Code, which covers “Kidnapping.” However, Abenov believes the actual number of such cases is significantly higher. For instance, over the past three years, 214 women filed complaints related to bride theft, but only ten cases went to trial. Abenov has proposed a separate article in the Criminal Code to specifically address bride theft, with penalties designed to reflect the severity of the crime. His proposal includes: A minimum sentence of two years in prison or a fine of 2,000 monthly calculation indices (MCI), equivalent to 7.8 million KZT ($15,000), for kidnapping a woman to force her into marriage; If the abducted woman is under 18, if force is used, or if the crime involves multiple perpetrators, the penalty would increase to a fine of 5,000 MCI (19.6 million KZT or $37,800) or three to five years in prison; and In cases where unintentional harm to the victim’s health occurs during the abduction, the sentence could be up to ten years in prison. "If a woman is held against her will and subjected to psychological or physical pressure, the law must protect the victim," Abenov emphasized, confirming that the proposal has already been submitted to a working group for consideration. Debate Among Lawmakers This is not the first time the issue of bride theft has been raised in Kazakhstan’s parliament. In December 2023, another Mazhilis deputy, Yedil Zhanbyrshin, introduced a similar initiative, which was supported by Mazhilis Speaker Yerlan Koshanov. However, that proposal was not formalized into legislation. Some deputies argue that existing laws, such as Article 125, are sufficient. This article provides for imprisonment of four to seven years for kidnapping, regardless of the victim’s identity. "We already have articles in the Criminal Code addressing illegal detention and kidnapping. I’m not convinced we need to specify that it’s a fiancée. What’s the difference? Whether I kidnap a child, an adult, or a senior citizen, it is already a criminal offense," said MP Aidos Sarim. Bride Theft in Central Asia As The Times of Central Asia previously reported, 18 criminal cases of bride theft were initiated in Kazakhstan in 2023. Six of these cases occurred in the country’s largest city, Almaty, while one was recorded in the capital, Astana. Circumventing the bride price, alyp qashu – “take and flee” - is a ritual form of bride-snatching endemic throughout much of Central Asia. With the Soviets having destroyed swathes of local identity, debate rages as to the ethnographic roots of the practice, but what is certain is that it was on the increase in the 2010s. Most prevalent regionally in Kyrgyzstan, where it is known as Ala...

Legislation Domestic Violence Women's rights Society

Shakespearean Passions Unfold in Turkmen Village Over Marriage Dispute

A heated conflict erupted in the village of Yangala in Turkmenistan's Ahal province over an 11th-grade girl's decision to marry her boyfriend from a neighboring village. The girl's parents firmly opposed her plans to marry a young man from Kopetdag, sparking tensions that escalated dramatically on December 31 when the girl ran away with her fiancé. In an attempt to resolve the situation peacefully, elders and relatives from the fiancé’s side formed a delegation to negotiate with the girl’s family. The six-member group, which included a 75-year-old elder, visited the girl’s home but was met with hostility. The negotiations devolved into a violent altercation, with verbal insults escalating to physical confrontation. The girl's relatives pelted the visitors' cars with stones, smashing windows and headlights. One of the delegates suffered injuries from a hunting rifle loaded with salt. Police intervened, detaining several individuals involved in the fight, while the injured were taken to the hospital. The elder, who sustained bruises during the skirmish, refused to press charges, stating, “I came to settle the conflict, not to bring any of the girl's family to jail.” To de-escalate the situation, the district khakim (head of the local administration) convened a meeting with representatives from both families. The khakim tasked his deputy with finding a resolution acceptable to all parties within 15 days. He warned that if reconciliation proved impossible, the case would be referred to the prosecutor's office. The incident highlights the ongoing challenges faced by women in Turkmenistan, particularly in matters of marriage. Despite legal guarantees of gender equality under the country’s Family Code, which states that marriage requires the free and full consent of both parties, societal norms and family pressures often undermine these rights. Women in Turkmenistan frequently face coercion and violence when their choice of spouse conflicts with family expectations. International human rights organizations have repeatedly reported violations of women’s rights in the country. A UN Foundation report reveals that 12% of Turkmen women have experienced physical or sexual violence within the family, though the real figures are likely higher due to underreporting in the country’s restrictive environment. The lack of effective legal mechanisms to protect women from domestic violence further exacerbates their vulnerability. Women who defy family opposition to marriage often face social stigmatization and even violence. The turmoil in Yangala illustrates the enduring influence of patriarchal traditions in Turkmen society and the broader struggle for women’s rights. As authorities work to mediate the conflict, the case underscores the urgent need for stronger protections for women in Turkmenistan to ensure that their legal rights are upheld in practice.

Women Empowerment small and medium businesses Women's rights Women-owned Enterprises Legislation

Kyrgyzstan to Enshrine Concept of “Women’s Entrepreneurship” in Law

Kyrgyzstan's Jogorku Kenesh (parliament) has approved, in its third reading, a bill to introduce the term “women’s entrepreneurship” into the country’s Law on the Protection of Entrepreneurs’ Rights. The amendments, proposed by deputies Kamila Talieva, Eldar Abakirov, Daniyar Tolonov, Taalaibek Masabirov, Elvira Surabaldieva, and Nilufar Alimzhanova, aim to recognize women entrepreneurs as a distinct category within small and medium-sized businesses (SMEs). The initiative is expected to drive the growth of small and microbusinesses in Kyrgyzstan, following the example of international practices. Employment Disparities According to the explanatory note accompanying the bill, the employment rate for working-aged women in 2020 was 43%, compared to 70.9% for men. In urban areas, women’s employment stood at 46.8%, while in rural areas, it dropped to 40.6%. Additionally, women comprise 69% of the economically inactive population, with 97% of them engaged in household work. A Path to Economic Empowerment The bill’s authors emphasize that legislative recognition of women’s entrepreneurship will expand access to state support for women-led businesses. This could enhance women’s participation in the business sector, improve their economic standing, and contribute to the overall wellbeing of families and society. The proposed measures aim to address gender barriers, encourage women’s economic activity, and create favorable conditions for their full participation in the development of SMEs. Lawmakers believe such changes will not only bolster economic stability but also strengthen social cohesion. A Rare Legislative Step Kyrgyzstan’s effort to enshrine women’s entrepreneurship in law is rather rare in the global context. While other countries have some framework to support entrepreneurship among women, provisions are often more vague. For example: – In Uzbekistan, the Law On Guarantees of Freedom of Entrepreneurial Activity provides broad protections but does not specifically address women’s entrepreneurship. – In Russia there is no legal definition of women’s entrepreneurship, though various programs support women in business. – In the United States the Women’s Business Ownership Act of 1988 offers significant support to women entrepreneurs but does not explicitly define the term. By taking this legislative step, Kyrgyzstan positions itself as a leader in fostering gender-inclusive economic policies, potentially serving as a model for other nations.