Women's rights - The Times Of Central Asia

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Pink Tax

Gender Pricing and Tax Policy in Kazakhstan: Does a “Pink Tax” Exist?

Women often pay more for everyday goods, from hygiene products to personal care services. In public discourse in Kazakhstan, this phenomenon is often referred to as the “pink tax.” But does such a tax exist, or are these differences the result of market pricing strategies? Is a “Pink Tax” Recognized Under Kazakhstan’s Tax Code? If understood literally as a separate levy established in the Tax Code, the so-called “pink tax” does not exist in Kazakhstan. The country’s tax system includes corporate and individual income taxes, value-added tax (VAT), excise duties, social tax, property taxes, and other mandatory payments. There is no gender-based category. In Kazakhstan, the term is generally used to describe a potential “gender markup,” where products marketed to women are priced higher than comparable versions aimed at men, even when their features are largely the same. These differences are most often observed in items such as razors, shower gels, and other personal care products, where variation may be limited to packaging or branding. However, Kazakhstan lacks large-scale, representative studies on the issue. Most claims are based on retail observations and isolated price comparisons rather than comprehensive market research. How Tax Policy Affects Essential Hygiene Products: VAT and the “Tampon Tax” Public debate increasingly uses the term “tampon tax” to describe situations where menstrual hygiene products are subject to the standard VAT rate rather than a reduced rate applied to essential goods. Starting January 1, 2026, Kazakhstan’s base VAT rate increased to 16%. Reduced VAT rates of 5% (from 2026) and 10% (from 2027), apply only to goods and services, including specific medicines and medical devices that meet established criteria. These benefits do not apply broadly to all health-related goods, only to items included in officially approved lists. If sanitary pads, tampons, and other menstrual hygiene products are not included in the approved lists, they are subject to the standard VAT rate, like most other consumer goods. The law does not treat “women’s” products as a separate taxable category. As a result, Kazakhstan does not levy a distinct “pink tax” but applies uniform VAT rules. The broader policy debate centers on whether menstrual products should be classified as essential goods for tax purposes. The social dimension is significant. According to the World Bank and UNFPA, menstrual poverty refers to limited access to hygiene products and related services such as water, sanitation, healthcare, and education. A survey conducted in Kazakhstan by Umai Cup and SOAS (2,116 participants) found that 25% of respondents had no access to hygiene products during their first menstruation, 66% used improvised materials, and 10% missed school due to an inability to purchase sanitary pads. When a recurring monthly product is taxed at the full VAT rate and rises in price along with inflation, the financial burden falls disproportionately on low-income women. For students, single mothers, and mothers of large families, this may translate into restricted access to basic hygiene. Why the “Pink Tax” Has a Greater Impact at Lower Income Levels Even without normative judgments, the economic...

Criminal justice reform

Uzbekistan Proposes Tougher Penalties for Violence Against Women and Children

Uzbekistan is preparing a comprehensive package of legal reforms aimed at eliminating violence against women and children and establishing a societal culture of zero tolerance toward abuse. The measures are outlined in a draft State Program tied to the implementation of the "Uzbekistan-2030" strategy and the national reform agenda for the Year of Mahalla Development and Community Advancement. Under the proposed reforms, criminal penalties for acts of violence against women and minors would be significantly increased. One of the most consequential provisions includes harsher sentencing for sexual crimes against children under 14, including the possibility of life imprisonment. The draft program also recommends transferring the investigation of sexual and violent crimes involving minors to the exclusive jurisdiction of the prosecutor’s office. Additionally, a specialized system of investigators and judges would be introduced, with dedicated training to handle sensitive cases involving abuse. These specialists would be responsible for both the investigation and adjudication of such cases, ensuring a more consistent and victim-centered approach. Another key component of the reform targets early and forced marriages. The program proposes administrative penalties for those who engage or betroth individuals below the legal marriage age. Sanctions could also apply to parents, guardians, or others who facilitate or promote underage unions, including those who publicly advocate for such practices. Officials say these steps are intended to entrench a culture of intolerance toward violence and to develop a more effective system for preventing early and forced marriages. The draft emphasizes the role of community-level engagement, with family and women's support centers expected to reach at least 40% of young couples through specialized educational programs. These initiatives will involve psychologists, legal professionals, and other experts to bolster domestic violence prevention efforts. If adopted, the measures are scheduled to take effect on April 1, 2026. In a related development, Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Health last year proposed tightening the application of chemical castration for individuals convicted of sexual offenses against children. According to draft amendments published on the Open NPA platform, Kazakhstan’s government-run portal for public discussion of draft legislation, the procedure would be administered six months prior to an inmate’s release, following a mandatory forensic psychiatric evaluation conducted up to a year in advance. Kazakhstan’s Health Ministry stated that this measure, regulated under Article 91 of the country’s Criminal Code, is designed to reduce the risk of recidivism during the immediate post-release period, which authorities view as particularly high-risk.

Domestic Violence

Survey Finds Decline in Kazakh Women Who Justify Domestic Violence

Recent data reveals a marked shift in attitudes toward domestic violence among women in Kazakhstan. While the number of women who justify abuse has declined, certain demographic groups continue to condone it under specific circumstances. These findings are based on a study conducted by analysts at Finprom.kz. Sharp Decline in Justifying Abuse Multi-indicator surveys conducted by the National Statistics Bureau in 2015 and 2024 show a significant decrease in the number of women who view domestic violence as acceptable. Approximately 14,400 women aged 15 to 49 participated in the survey. In 2015, 15.1% of respondents said a man has the right to hit his wife or partner. By 2024, this figure had dropped to just 4%. Respondents who deemed such violence acceptable were asked to specify the justification. The most commonly cited reason was neglect of children (2.8%), followed by refusal to do housework (1.6%), disobedience to the husband (1%), and leaving the house without permission (0.8%). Smaller shares justified violence due to refusal of intimacy (0.3%) or “burning food” (0.2%). Analysts interpret the declining acceptance of these views as a sign of changing social norms and an evolving understanding of women's roles within the family. Who Is More Likely to Justify Violence? The study revealed a notable divide between urban and rural populations. In rural areas, 6.8% of women still justify domestic violence, down from 20.6% a decade ago. In urban areas, only 2.6% expressed similar views. Regional disparities were also evident. In the Turkestan region, 10% of respondents believed a husband has the right to beat his wife. High levels of acceptance were also recorded in the Zhetysu region (9.5%) and Kostanay (8.8%). In contrast, the Mangistau region (0.2%), Aktobe (0.4%), and Atyrau (0.5%) reported the lowest figures. Age was another key factor. Older women were more likely to justify domestic violence: 4.7% of women aged 45-49 and 3.1% of those aged 40-44 approved of it under certain conditions. Younger women, particularly newlyweds, overwhelmingly rejected violence under any circumstances. Legal Reforms and Shifting Statistics Finprom.kz analysts compared these survey results with changes in criminal justice data. According to the Committee on Legal Statistics, reported criminal offenses related to domestic violence have increased 7.2 fold over the past decade. However, this spike is attributed to legal reforms. Until mid-2024, charges such as “Assault” and “Causing minor harm to health” were considered administrative violations. Following criminalization, reported cases rose sharply. From January to October 2025, 3,000 criminal offenses related to family or domestic violence were recorded, up 21.4% year-on-year. Assaults accounted for more than half of the cases (1,700, up 36.8% from June to October 2024), followed by “intentional infliction of minor bodily harm” (680 cases). Meanwhile, serious crimes showed a decline. Murders fell by 30.1%, rapes by 16.7%, and cases of “intentional infliction of serious harm to health” by 10.5%. Regional commissions on women’s affairs have also reported encouraging trends. The number of calls to crisis centers dropped from 30,500 in 2013 to 12,900 in 2024. Of these, 7,400...

Women's rights

Montenegro Will Not Extradite NeMolchi Founder to Kazakhstan

The authorities in Montenegro have decided that the director of Kazakhstan’s NeMolchi.kz (Don’t be silent) foundation, Dina Smailova (Tansari), will not be deported to Kazakhstan, where she faces charges of knowingly disseminating false information, violation of privacy, and fraud. Smailova’s Legal Battles and Exile Since 2017, Smailova has faced a plethora of criminal cases. In 2021, she left Kazakhstan and relocated to Georgia. After she departed, Almaty police launched new inquiries against her. In June 2022, Smailova said that these investigations were opened “because I criticize the activities of the Almaty police, because I demand the resignation of the leadership, because I do not recognize the police who torture our people in their dungeons!” In early 2024, Smailova left Georgia and requested asylum in the European Union, and in April of that year, she was detained in Montenegro based on an Interpol warrant from Kazakhstan’s Interior Ministry. Kazakhstan and Montenegro do not have an extradition agreement, so Montenegrin officials needed time to consider the Kazakh authorities’ request to repatriate Smailova to Kazakhstan. Smailova was therefore quickly freed from custody but remained in Montenegro, and in July, she and her husband, Almat Mukhamedzhanov, were granted international protection status in the country, signaling that she was unlikely to be extradited. On September 4, Montenegro’s Supreme Court ruled to deny Kazakhstan’s request for her extradition, and on September 12, Smailova wrote on Facebook that the decision had come into force. NeMolchi.kz is an organization that defends the rights of women and children in Kazakhstan and reports on incidents of domestic violence, a problem that has become more visible in the country in recent years. Violence against women has become a priority issue for the Kazakh government, especially since the high-profile murder of a young woman named Saltanat Nukenova in 2023. The Nukenova Case and Public Outcry Saltanat Nukenova was killed in an Astana restaurant by her husband, Kuandyk Bishimbayev, a former Kazakh Minister of National Economy. Bishimbayev was convicted of taking bribes and, in March 2018, was sentenced to ten years in prison. His term was later reduced to four years, and he was eventually released early in December 2020. On November 9, 2023, Bishimbayev and Nukenova went to an Astana restaurant where they had a private room reserved. Bishimbayev and Nukenova quarreled, following which Bishimbayev severely beat his wife, then waited several hours while she lay dying from head injuries he inflicted on her before calling for medical help. Later that same month, it was reported that the police in East Kazakhstan Province had started investigating Smailova for fraud. Police questioned “hundreds” of people who had donated to NeMolchi.kz, on the suspicion that Smailova had used some of the donated money for personal purchases. Before the end of 2023, formal charges were lodged against Smailova, and Kazakhstan put out an international warrant for her arrest. Bishimbayev’s trial was televised and drew a huge audience in Kazakhstan. He was found guilty and sentenced to 24 years in prison. The details of the beating of...

Headscarf Debate

Uzbek Politician Calls for Passport Photo Rule Change Amid Headscarf Debate

Alisher Qodirov, leader of Uzbekistan’s Milliy Tiklanish (National Revival) Democratic Party, has called for an end to the practice of requiring women to remove headscarves when taking passport photographs. In a statement on his Telegram channel, Qodirov affirmed that Uzbekistan’s status as a secular state is beyond question but argued that secularism should not infringe on personal freedoms. Prosperity Without Discrimination “A secular state, governed by laws adopted by a popularly elected parliament and approved by a popularly elected president, allows citizens to live as they choose, as long as they do not violate the law,” Qodirov said. “Our priority is to ensure that citizens of all nationalities and beliefs can strive for prosperity without discrimination. Everyone is equal, and no one should be demeaned.” Drawing analogies, Qodirov said that just as one citizen may choose to drink beer and another may choose not to, without having to explain themselves, women should be free to cover their hair if it aligns with their beliefs. “Advertising alcohol is prohibited by law, but if a political force wins a parliamentary majority, it could change the law, making alcohol a ‘national value’ or same-sex marriage a free choice. You grant that right,” he added. Qodirov emphasized that all social development must rest on values. Referring to pop star Jennifer Lopez’s recent concert in Tashkent, he said: “If Jennifer Lopez wants to perform at a private, ticketed concert, as long as she doesn’t distribute drugs or promote anti-state ideas, that’s her choice. Showing her body is her decision; watching it is the decision of those who bought tickets. That’s secularism.” By the same logic, he continued, “A woman who chooses to wear a headscarf is protected by law. We accepted public nudity as secularism; we must also accept the right to cover up. Just as we don’t tell Lopez how to dress, we shouldn’t dictate how religious women wear their headscarves nor should we force women, who have lived by their faith for years, to remove them for passport photos. Identification requirements demand an open face, not uncovered hair. Let’s extend the same tolerance to devout women as we do to Lopez.” He concluded that secularism means equality for both believers and non-believers, “not the strong lecturing the weak about life.” Mixed Reactions to Lopez Concert Lopez’s August 7 performance at Tashkent’s Bunyodkor Stadium, part of her “Up All Night – Live in 2025” world tour, drew mixed reactions online. Some praised her discipline and appearance, while others criticized her revealing outfits. Psychogenetics specialist Maryam Mahmudova told her Instagram followers that Lopez’s appearance reflected years of disciplined self-care. “At 56, she maintains her figure thanks to discipline. We, on the other hand, often feel worn out before 40, with no goals or passion. We have no right to judge anyone, instead, we should learn discipline from her, because discipline is a form of self-love,” she said. Neurologist Bahtigul Holmurodova, who followed the concert via social media, commented: “Yesterday, JLo once again showed all Uzbeks what...

Gender imbalance

Uzbek Official Dismissed After Viral Lap-Sitting Video Sparks Gender Debate

A government official in Uzbekistan has been dismissed following the circulation of a video showing him with a female subordinate sitting on his lap during an online meeting. The footage, which went viral on social media, prompted a public backlash, with the Ministry of Employment and Labor issuing a statement describing the incident as a “violation of the ethics of a civil servant.” The dismissal of the head of the district department of employment and poverty reduction in Samarkand was confirmed by the ministry. The woman in the video, reportedly an assistant at the agency, has not been publicly named and is believed to have resigned voluntarily. The incident has sparked a broader discussion about workplace conduct, gender dynamics, and women’s rights in Uzbekistan, where traditional norms continue to influence professional and personal life. Gender and Power in the Uzbek Workplace In recent years, Uzbekistan has made significant progress regarding the participation of women in public life. Women currently hold about 32 seats in the 150-member Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis (national parliament). However, their visibility in executive positions and technical fields remains limited. In Uzbekistan, only 35.4 % of the population aged between 15–64 in the labor force are women, and they earn about 34 % less than men. The World Bank estimates that equal participation and wages could boost the country's GDP by 29 % and lift over 700,000 people out of poverty. The government has introduced various reforms aimed at improving gender equality, including protections against domestic violence, promoting women's entrepreneurship, and gender budgeting initiatives. However, critics argue that these measures are often symbolic or inconsistently enforced. Cultural Taboo and Social Media The lap-sitting video has sparked a wave of internet commentary from both men and women in Uzbekistan, where public discussions of gender roles are often muted. Some saw the video as a clear example of workplace harassment and power imbalance, while others downplayed its significance or blamed the woman involved. Observers argue that the case highlights deeper structural issues within Uzbek institutions, where entrenched gender hierarchies and informal power dynamics often go unchallenged. In many areas of public and private life, the country remains deeply patriarchal, and whilst public discourse around consent, professional boundaries, and gender equality is growing, it remains nascent. A Moment for Change? The government’s decisive response to the video may signal a growing awareness of public expectations and international scrutiny. For activists and reformers, the hope is that this moment can serve as more than a spectacle and lead to more conversations about power, professionalism, and the role of women in modern Uzbekistan. As one widely shared comment on Telegram put it: “It’s not about the lap. It’s about who gets to sit at the table.”