• KZT/USD = 0.00225
  • TJS/USD = 0.10850
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00225
  • TJS/USD = 0.10850
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00225
  • TJS/USD = 0.10850
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00225
  • TJS/USD = 0.10850
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00225
  • TJS/USD = 0.10850
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00225
  • TJS/USD = 0.10850
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00225
  • TJS/USD = 0.10850
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
  • KZT/USD = 0.00225
  • TJS/USD = 0.10850
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008
  • TMT/USD = 0.29760
13 November 2026

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Kazakh Women Share Stories of Sexual Violence Under #IAmJaneDoe Hashtag

Women in Kazakhstan have joined the international #IAmJaneDoe social media campaign, sharing accounts of sexual violence they experienced as children and teenagers. The posts include allegations of abuse by relatives, acquaintances, and strangers. Many participants say they remained silent because they feared being judged and did not trust law enforcement authorities. Denis Dzhivaga, director of the Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law, told The Times of Central Asia why speaking out publicly sometimes becomes the only way for survivors to draw attention to their experiences, despite tougher legislation. How #IAmJaneDoe Began The international #IAmJaneDoe campaign emerged amid a case involving a former student at Cornell University in the United States. In September 2026, a woman identified in court documents by the pseudonym Jane Doe filed a civil lawsuit against seven former members of the Chi Phi fraternity, the university, and other defendants. According to the plaintiff, she was subjected to a gang sexual assault in October 2024. The initial investigation ended without criminal charges being filed. After the lawsuit was brought, prosecutors reopened the investigation, and New York Governor Kathy Hochul appointed state Attorney General Letitia James as special prosecutor. No criminal charges have been filed, and the seven men deny wrongdoing. Women in different countries began posting under #IAmJaneDoe in an effort to frustrate attempts to reveal the plaintiff's identity. Through these posts, they express solidarity with the plaintiff and share their own experiences of violence. In Kazakhstan, the campaign has brought attention to the silence surrounding sexual abuse within families. In their accounts, women describe incidents dating back many years, including alleged crimes committed by fathers, stepfathers, and brothers. Dzhivaga believes that the decision to share such experiences publicly is often linked to a lack of effective support. “From families that try to cover up cases of abuse to police officers who still prefer not to interfere in family matters, everything pushes women to at least tell their stories publicly. Quite often, women simply have no other options,” he said. However, speaking out does not guarantee sympathy. According to the human rights advocate, women who share their experiences face blame and condemnation, including from other women. What Has Changed Under the ‘Saltanat Law’? In June 2024, amendments informally known as the “Saltanat Law” came into force in Kazakhstan. They were adopted following the murder of Saltanat Nukenova, a case that sparked widespread public outrage. Former Minister of National Economy Kuandyk Bishimbayev was sentenced to 24 years in prison for her murder. The amendments reinstated criminal penalties for battery and intentional infliction of minor bodily harm, strengthened protections for women and children, and expanded measures aimed at preventing violence. However, Dzhivaga argues that the legislative changes have not yet produced comparable improvements in how government agencies respond. “When everyone was celebrating the adoption of the law, I said that passing a law is only half the battle. What matters is how it is enforced. The law has to work, but in many respects, the response...

Sexual Harassment in Kazakhstan: Why Are Such Cases Difficult to Track?

A woman who said she was sexually harassed on a bus in Astana decided against going to the police because she feared she would be unable to prove what had happened. Instead, she confronted the man and photographed him. "It wasn't an accidental touch because the bus was crowded. He was groping me," she wrote on Threads. Police identified the 46-year-old man after discovering her post. A court sentenced him to ten days of administrative detention for indecent behavior on public transport. On October 13, a court in the capital had imposed the same penalty on an inDrive driver who had asked a female passenger intimate questions and propositioned her for sex during a ride. The woman also took to Threads to describe the incident. The court classified the driver's actions as petty hooliganism. Why Sexual Harassment is Prosecuted as Petty Hooliganism Kazakhstan does not have a comprehensive legal provision specifically addressing sexual harassment of adults in public places. Depending on the circumstances, law enforcement authorities may apply administrative or criminal law. Article 434 of the Code of Administrative Offenses, which covers petty hooliganism, is used in cases of this kind. It applies to offensive harassment of others and other conduct that disturbs public order, including obscene language. The law does not distinguish sexual harassment from other forms of offensive behavior. A first offense is punishable by a fine of 20 times the monthly calculation index (MCI) or 20 to 60 hours of community service. Alternatively, courts can impose five to 15 days of administrative detention. The MCI is a government-set unit used to calculate fines and certain other payments. In 2026, it stands at 4,325 tenge, making a fine of 20 MCI equal to 86,500 tenge, or approximately $190. In August 2023, an Almaty moped rider was held administratively liable under the petty hooliganism provision after slapping a woman he did not know on the buttocks. Because these incidents are recorded alongside other public order violations, official statistics do not show how many cases specifically involve unwanted sexual conduct. Criminal law provides more serious penalties for certain forms of sexual coercion. Article 123 of the Criminal Code addresses coercion into sexual acts through blackmail or threats against property. It also covers exploitation of a victim's financial or other dependence. It does not cover every instance of unwanted touching or verbal sexual harassment. In April 2024, Kazakhstan amended legislation protecting women and children, including provisions establishing criminal liability for sexual harassment of children under 16. The amendments did not create an equivalent standalone offense covering all forms of sexual harassment of adults in public places. Workplace Sexual Harassment Legislation Is Being Developed The Ministry of Labor and Social Protection of the Population has developed amendments that would introduce a definition of workplace sexual harassment into national labor legislation for the first time. The proposals would establish employers' responsibilities for preventing such conduct and create legal grounds for dismissing offenders. However, they would not establish a separate criminal or administrative penalty...

Women-Only Carriages in Kazakhstan: What Has Changed After Five Years?

In 2018, two conductors aboard a Tulpar-Talgo train raped a female passenger in her compartment while she was traveling from Astana to Aktobe. The crime shocked Kazakhstan and brought the issue of women’s safety on trains into public debate. Three years later, the country’s first women-only carriages appeared on Kazakhstan’s railways. From October 1, 2026, a women-only carriage will operate between Almaty and Tashkent, crossing an international border for the first time. The international service will become the 14th route covered by the project. Over the past five years, female passengers have made more than 946,000 journeys in women-only carriages. Kazakhstan Temir Zholy (KTZ), the national rail operator, cites strong demand as the reason for continuing to expand the service. But the most important indicator is missing from the publicly available statistics: whether women have actually become safer on Kazakhstan’s trains. KTZ does not publish data on harassment and violence before and after the project was introduced. The Case that Prompted Action The legal battle over the 2018 attack lasted for more than a year. The original sentences of two years and six months for one conductor and two years and three months for the other were overturned by the Kostanay Regional Court, which sent the case back for further investigation because of procedural violations. Following a retrial, Zhetes Umbetaliyev and Kolkanat Kurmaniyazov were found guilty and sentenced to five years in prison each. In February 2020, the regional court upheld the sentences. When the women-only carriage project began on October 10, 2021, it covered just two routes: Almaty-Mangystau and Almaty-Oskemen. Boys aged seven and under may travel with adult female passengers. In the booking system, these seats are marked with the letters “ZH” (ЖН), and fares are the same as for comparable seats in regular carriages. In less than three months in 2021, 13,243 women used the service. More than 114,000 did so in 2022, and by January 2026, KTZ reported that the total had risen to approximately 822,000. A Popular Initiative The Times of Central Asia asked three women in Kazakhstan what the option of traveling in a women-only carriage means to them. Raushan Otan, a 46-year-old art historian from Almaty, has already used the service. “I like the women-only carriage. When you spend several hours traveling, you feel calmer when there are only women around you. It gives you a sense of safety and additional confidence.” Samira Olzhabekova, an 18-year-old school student from Taraz, has not yet traveled in one, but says she would choose it on a future journey. “I haven’t traveled in one myself yet, but I’ve heard a lot about how convenient and nice it is. I think there could be more carriages and services like this. If I were traveling by train, I would definitely choose a women-only carriage.” Valeria Kuznetsova, a 22-year-old student from Astana, frequently travels alone. “I often travel alone, so for me this is a genuinely good initiative. When you have the option of choosing a women-only carriage, you...

Uzbek Women Murdered in Istanbul: Two Men Sentenced to Life

Two Uzbek nationals have each been sentenced to life imprisonment in Turkey for murdering two Uzbek women in Istanbul. The investigation began in January after the remains of one woman were discovered and later led authorities to a second victim. The killings sparked protests in Istanbul and Ankara. The Istanbul Anadolu 17th High Criminal Court found Dilshod Turdimurotov, 31, and Gofurjon Kamalkhodjaev, 29, guilty of murdering Durdona Khakimova, 36, and Sayyora Ergashaliyeva, 32. Each man received two aggravated life sentences, Turkey’s most severe form of life imprisonment, which carries stricter prison conditions than an ordinary life sentence, along with two additional seven-year prison terms for theft from a residence after the victims’ deaths. The case drew widespread attention on January 24, when Khakimova’s remains were found in a garbage container in Istanbul’s Şişli district. The two suspects were detained at Istanbul Airport as they attempted to leave Turkey. A second victim was later linked to the case. Sayyora Ergashaliyeva’s family lost contact with her after January 23 and sought assistance from the Association for the Protection of the Rights of Uzbek Women in Turkey. Her relatives traveled to Turkey and filed a complaint with prosecutors on February 6. In February, Uzbekistan’s Consulate General in Istanbul confirmed Ergashaliyeva’s death. Investigators determined that Ergashaliyeva had been at a house in Istanbul’s Ümraniye district. Security camera footage showed her entering the property on January 23, followed by Turdimurotov and Kamalkhodjaev. The next day, the two men were recorded making several trips from the house with black garbage bags before removing a white suitcase. Prosecutors said both women were killed at the house and their remains disposed of in garbage containers in different parts of Istanbul. Khakimova’s remains were recovered, but authorities have not reported finding Ergashaliyeva’s. During the trial, Kamalkhodjaev said he and Ergashaliyeva had been married in a religious ceremony and that he had killed her over what he described as her infidelity. He denied involvement in Khakimova’s killing. Turdimurotov admitted killing Khakimova. In his final statement, he expressed remorse and said he deserved the harshest punishment. Khakimova’s killing prompted protests in Istanbul and Ankara. Women’s rights organizations called for stronger protections against violence, with activists drawing particular attention to the vulnerability of migrant women. On January 30, Khakimova’s remains were repatriated to Uzbekistan, while her two children also returned home. The costs were covered by Uzbekistan’s Consulate General and Migration Agency.

Bride Kidnapping in Central Asia: Why the Practice Persists Despite Tougher Laws

Bride kidnapping for the purpose of forcing women into marriage remains one of the least visible forms of gender-based violence in Central Asia. Although abduction and coercion into marriage are punishable under criminal law across the region, the offenses are defined differently from country to country. Their true scale is difficult to measure. Many victims never report the crime, while some cases are still viewed as a continuation of tradition rather than a violation of criminal law. Over the past decade, governments across Central Asia have begun revising their approaches to the problem. Kyrgyzstan strengthened criminal penalties following several high-profile cases. Kazakhstan did not close a legal loophole that allowed many perpetrators to avoid prosecution until 2025. Uzbekistan has a specific criminal provision covering the abduction of women for marriage, while Tajikistan does not appear to define bride kidnapping as a separate offense. In Tajikistan and Turkmenistan, however, assessing the prevalence of the practice remains particularly difficult because of limited research and incomplete official data. The term “bride kidnapping” has not always referred to the same practice. Anthropologists note that historically it covered a range of marriage customs, from mutually agreed elopements and staged abductions to the violent kidnapping of women. Contemporary researchers stress that the presence or absence of a woman’s free consent is the key distinction between these practices. Comparable customs once existed among a number of Central Asian peoples. One documented motive has been the desire to avoid kalym, the traditional bride price paid by the groom’s family to the bride’s relatives. Economic motives, however, did not alter the nature of the crime when a woman did not consent to the marriage. The issue has been studied most extensively in Kyrgyzstan. A nationally representative survey conducted in 2015–2016 by the National Statistical Committee with support from UN Women, UNFPA, and the International Organization for Migration found that 22.1% of marriages involved some form of bride abduction. Of these, 16.3% were reported as taking place with the woman’s consent, while 5.8% occurred without it. The frequently cited claim that more than one in five Kyrgyz marriages begins with bride kidnapping therefore combines consensual and non-consensual practices. It should not be presented as an estimate of forced abduction. The figures were based on respondents’ accounts and may not capture every form of family or social pressure surrounding consent. Known locally as ala kachuu, or “grab and run,” the non-consensual abduction of a woman for marriage is a criminal offense in Kyrgyzstan. In 2013, the penalty for abducting an adult woman for marriage against her will was increased to between five and seven years in prison. The corresponding sentence when the victim was under 17 was increased to between five and ten years. Tougher penalties, however, have not prevented further tragedies. One of the best-known cases was the 2018 murder of Burulai Turdaaly Kyzy, a 20-year-old medical student. After she was abducted, her family contacted the police. Officers brought both Burulai and her abductor to a police station but left...

After Bishimbayev, Kazakhstan’s Domestic Violence Laws Face an Enforcement Test

The release of Bakhytzhan Baizhanov, a cousin of former Kazakhstan Economy Minister Kuandyk Bishimbayev, following an amnesty has renewed public attention to one of the country’s most pressing social problems: domestic violence. The trial of Bishimbayev and Baizhanov attracted widespread attention in Kazakhstan and abroad. Bishimbayev was convicted of torturing and murdering his common-law wife. The proceedings were broadcast online and closely followed by journalists and the public. Bishimbayev was sentenced to 24 years in prison, while Baizhanov received a four-year sentence for concealing the crime. Amid the public outcry, Kazakhstan adopted legislation strengthening penalties for domestic violence. The legislation is commonly known as “Saltanat’s Law,” after the victim, Saltanat Nukenova. Observers say the new provisions allow tougher sanctions to be imposed on domestic abusers. However, the legislation was only a first step. Kazakhstan still needs effective mechanisms to prevent violence and better support services for victims.” The Country Followed the Trial Saltanat Nukenova died on November 9, 2023, at Bau, a restaurant inside the Gastro Center complex in Astana. Baizhanov was the director of the establishment. Bishimbayev was detained that day. An Astana court delivered its verdict on May 13, 2024. Bishimbayev was found guilty of murder committed with particular cruelty and of torture. Baizhanov was convicted of concealing the crime. Bishimbayev was sentenced to 24 years in a maximum-security prison. The court treated the fact that he had minor children as a mitigating circumstance. Aggravating circumstances included dangerous recidivism and intoxication at the time of the crime. In 2018, Bishimbayev had been sentenced to 10 years in prison for corruption offenses but was later pardoned. Baizhanov was sentenced to four years in a medium-security prison. The proceedings prompted a strong public response. Activists held demonstrations in Kazakhstan and abroad, while foreign correspondents attended the hearings. Kazakhstani and international media covered the case extensively. Public interest remains high. Many people in Kazakhstan continue to watch closely for any indication that Bishimbayev could be released before completing his sentence. Relatives of both Nukenova and Bishimbayev have also continued to make public statements. Baizhanov Disputed the Verdict Baizhanov’s early release under an amnesty has drawn mixed reactions. During the trial, he said he had not known how seriously Nukenova had been injured and denied that he was guilty of concealing the crime. His sentence had previously been reduced by one-third, and he had been expected to leave prison in November 2026. However, on July 22, his lawyer said the Stepnogorsk City Court had applied an amnesty act and ordered his immediate release. Baizhanov will remain under probation supervision following his release. He has also been placed under administrative supervision for six years. New Law, Old Problems On April 15, 2024, Kazakhstan adopted legislation amending several laws concerning women’s rights and children’s safety. Although the legislation had been drafted before Nukenova’s murder, the public attention surrounding her death and Bishimbayev’s trial led to it becoming informally known as “Saltanat’s Law.” The law expanded legal protections for women and children. Battery and the...