• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00198 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10857 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00198 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10857 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00198 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10857 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00198 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10857 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00198 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10857 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00198 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10857 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00198 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10857 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00198 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10857 -0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
05 December 2025

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 1737

Reuters News Agency Pulls Report on Tajik-Russian Talks on Guarding Afghan Border

The Reuters news agency has withdrawn a story, denied by Tajikistan, that Tajikistan was negotiating with Russia about joint patrols along its troubled border with Afghanistan.  The removal of the news story comes as China urges Tajikistan to upgrade security along the border, where security officials say five Chinese workers were killed in two separate attacks launched into Tajikistan from Afghanistan last week. Tajik President Emomali Rahmon met senior security officials in his government this week to discuss border security.  “A Reuters story about Tajikistan holding talks with Russia about helping guard its Afghan border has been withdrawn following a post-publication review showing insufficient evidence. There will be no substitute story,” Reuters said in a statement from Almaty, Kazakhstan.  Tajikistan has previously said it seeks to collaborate with the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), a regional group in which Russia is the most powerful member, on efforts to conter threats along its border with Afghanistan. As far back as 2013, the organization said it was planning to provide “military-technical assistance” to Tajikistan’s border of nearly 1,400 kilometers with Afghanistan.  But Tajikistan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs denied the Reuters report about “alleged discussions between Tajikistan and the Collective Security Treaty Organization regarding the involvement of Russian military personnel” in joint patrols along the Tajik-Afghan border. “The Ministry emphasizes that this publication is untrue and that the dissemination of such false information misleads the international audience,” the ministry said on Wednesday.  Tajikistan is “constantly” taking steps to strengthen the border with Afghanistan and that the situation there “remains stable and is under the full control of the competent authorities” in the country, according to the foreign ministry. Even so, Chinese media reported that the Chinese embassy in Tajikistan has urged its nationals to urgently leave the border area.  The ruling Taliban in Afghanistan condemned the border attacks and pledged to collaborate in efforts to find those responsible. Mohammad Naeem, the deputy foreign minister, told Zhao Xing, China’s top diplomat in Afghanistan, during a meeting in Kabul that investigations were underway, the Afghan government said Wednesday.   

Why Regional Connectivity Is Reshaping Central Asia: Insights from ISRS Director Eldor Aripov (Part Two)

The Times of Central Asia presents the second part of an interview in Washington, D.C. with Eldor Aripov, Director of the Institute for Strategic and Regional Studies under the President of Uzbekistan. Dr. Aripov sat down with our Washington Correspondent, Javier M. Piedra, to discuss Uzbekistan’s geoeconomic and geopolitical strategic thinking. The conversation focused on Uzbekistan’s and the region’s efforts to cooperate diplomatically to maintain peace and stability with neighbors, irrespective of historical “hotspots,” cultural sensitivities, or the all-important matter of water resources. Aripov comments on Afghanistan, Chabahar Port (Iran), Ferghana Valley, and business development – key for U.S. investors thinking about Uzbekistan and the broader Central Asian region. TCA: What message do you have for businesses and private investors who do not have any experience in Central Asia? Many companies are sniffing around at this time – what do you want to tell them? Aripov: Uzbekistan is ready for committed investors - those who deliver lasting benefits, quality jobs, and shared prosperity. A decade of reforms has strengthened our fiscal discipline, boosted SMEs, and anchored stability. Coupled with our focus on good relations and a secure, integrated Central Asia, we offer a reliable platform for long-term, sustainable investment. While we have more work to do, we invite you to be part of our momentum. TCA: What are the risks that companies might face when considering long-term investment? Aripov: No country is immune to downside risks – not only in the developed but developing world. Having said that, downside risks, including trade shocks, commodity price volatility, tighter external financing, and contingent liabilities from state-owned enterprises, are mostly exogenous factors driven by global conditions. Risks are mitigated through political stability, diversification of the economy, prudent macroeconomic management, and reforms to state-owned enterprises and governance. For more in-depth commentary, I refer you to recent IMF, World Bank, and Asian Development Bank assessments about our economic conditions and trends. TCA: Let me move on to more regional issues. The first Ferghana Peace Forum was held in October 2025. How can it serve as a replicable model for other regions seeking sustainable peace? Aripov: First of all, I’d like to put this important forum on everyone’s radar. I’d like to underscore that peace is possible when hard work, respect for others, and a commitment to understanding guide our actions, despite historical memories and past differences. Someone should write a case study about our ability to bring consensus into an otherwise challenging region. In any event, the inaugural Ferghana Peace Forum brought together over 300 participants from more than 20 countries — representatives of Central Asian governments, international organizations, leading think tanks, research institutions, and local communities. A joint communiqué was adopted, confirming the intention to institutionalize the Forum as a permanent platform with rotating hosts. This broad participation highlighted an important reality: the Ferghana Valley is no longer viewed as a fragile zone; it is now viewed as a model of pragmatic peacebuilding. The Forum demonstrated how regional leadership — particularly the openness and...

The New Geoeconomics of Uzbekistan: Insights from ISRS Director Eldor Aripov

The Times of Central Asia presents a two-part interview in Washington, D.C. with Eldor Aripov, Director of the Institute for Strategic and Regional Studies under the President of Uzbekistan. Dr. Aripov sat down with our Washington Correspondent, Javier M. Piedra, to discuss Uzbekistan’s strategic thinking regarding its diplomatic posture, regional integration, and relations with Central Asian and global partners. The conversation includes commentary on “Great Game” geopolitics, U.S.–Uzbekistan relations, trade, the meaning of “Uzbekistan First,” the historically explosive Ferghana Valley, and water management. Recognizing the link between investment, a stable geopolitical ecosystem, and the need to de-risk potentially conflictive issues, Aripov further sheds light on Tashkent’s practical approach to internal governance and business development. [caption id="attachment_40284" align="aligncenter" width="2360"] Central Asia on the Front Lines; image: Defense.info[/caption] TCA: “America First” refers to U.S. policies prioritizing national interests, often associated with non-interventionism, nationalism, and protectionist trade. Given Uzbekistan’s pragmatic foreign policy, can we speak of an “Uzbekistan First” policy? It is certainly not isolationist — but how is it manifested on a day-to-day basis? Aripov: What you describe as “Uzbekistan First” is, in our understanding, fundamentally about prioritizing national interests – stability and predictability for the people of Uzbekistan. Yet Uzbekistan’s uniqueness lies in the fact that our national interests are closely intertwined with those of the entire region – this means shared upsides at the transactional and strategic levels and thinking long-term. We border every Central Asian country as well as Afghanistan, and therefore any issue — security, trade, transport, or water management — directly depends on the quality of our relationships with neighbors. From his first days in office, President Shavkat Mirziyoyev — with his strategic vision and deep understanding of regional dynamics — declared that regional unity and mutual benefit stand at the core of Uzbekistan’s foreign policy. The essence of his doctrine is to resolve agreeably any historically or materially problematic issues with neighbors, remove barriers to understanding, and create predictable, stable conditions for mutually beneficial cooperation and the free movement of goods, ideas, and people. That is the true meaning of “Uzbekistan First”: not isolation, but openness, predictability, and regional consolidation. TCA: How are you realizing “Uzbekistan First” in practice? Aripov: Uzbekistan is strengthening its economy domestically and global track - putting in place the building blocks for internal sustainable development and accelerating accession to the World Trade Organization. The latter means expanding the geography and composition of exports and increasing the country’s investment attractiveness. This approach is rooted in the logic of sustainable development within the broader international context: long-term national interests are best served by Uzbekistan integrating into global value chains and markets. The results speak for themselves: in 2024, Uzbekistan’s GDP grew by 6.5%, foreign direct investment increased by more than 50% to reach $11.9 billion, and the target for 2025 is to attract $42 billion. This performance is also a tribute to our style of diplomacy, grounded in respect and having a constructive attitude towards others. Thus, “Uzbekistan First” represents a modern model...

Uzbekistan Reopens Termez-Hairaton Passenger Crossing with Afghanistan

Uzbekistan has reopened the Termez-Hairaton passenger crossing, restoring direct movement between Uzbekistan and Afghanistan, the country’s Chamber of Commerce and Industry has announced via its official Telegram channel. While visa requirements remain in effect, the decision marks a significant step toward improving cross-border mobility and trade. Passenger movement across the strategic bridge had been suspended since 2021, complicating travel for Uzbek entrepreneurs. To reach Mazar-i-Sharif, just 75 kilometers from the Ayritom checkpoint, businesspeople were previously forced to take an all-day detour through Tajikistan. The resumption of direct access eliminates a major logistical barrier for exporters and traders. Officials say the reopening is expected to bring substantial benefits for Uzbek companies exporting goods to Afghanistan. Bilateral trade has been growing steadily, and the authorities project that the restored route will help push exports to $2.5 billion by 2026. Uzbekistan and Afghanistan have also been working to deepen broader economic cooperation. During a visit to Kabul in August of last year, Uzbek Prime Minister Abdulla Aripov held talks with Afghan officials on expanding trade, strengthening energy collaboration, and partnering on key projects in copper, iron, oil, and gas. At that time, both sides agreed that bilateral trade could reach $1 billion in 2024, with the potential to rise to $3 billion in the near future.

Tajikistan Reports New Militant Attack from Afghanistan; Chinese Citizens Killed

A deadly cross-border attack has once again drawn attention to the volatile security situation along the Tajik-Afghan border. Armed militants opened fire on foreign workers in Tajikistan, prompting sharp condemnation from Dushanbe and renewed calls for Kabul to enhance control over its border regions. According to the press center of Tajikistan’s State Committee for National Security (GKNB), the latest incident occurred on November 30 at approximately 6:45 p.m. near the village of Shodak, located in the rural village of Vishkharv, Darvaz district. The gunfire reportedly came from the Afghan village of Ruzvayak, in the Mohi Mai district of Badakhshan province. Militants targeted employees of the China Road and Bridge Corporation, a Chinese state-owned construction company. Two Chinese nationals were killed in the attack, and two others were wounded. This was not an isolated incident. On November 26, militants launched a similar cross-border assault in the Shamshiddin Shohin district, resulting in the deaths of three Chinese employees of the Shokhin-SM company and injuring another. Both attacks originated from Afghanistan’s Badakhshan province, raising serious concerns among Tajik authorities about what appears to be a growing pattern of cross-border violence. Despite ongoing efforts to enhance security, Dushanbe acknowledged continued attempts by armed criminal groups to destabilize the situation. “The Tajik side, expressing deep concern, strongly condemns these alarming actions by criminal groups and calls on the current authorities of Afghanistan to take timely and effective measures,” read a statement from the Border Troops press center. The GKNB stated that additional measures are being implemented to strengthen border protection and ensure the safety of both Tajik citizens and foreign workers. Authorities also reported that the situation remains “stable and under control,” and that investigations are underway. In a separate statement, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Tajikistan condemned the attacks as “brutal actions by terrorist groups” and urged the Afghan authorities to guarantee the security of border areas. Official reactions followed from Kabul, Islamabad, and Tehran. Representatives of the Taliban (designated as a terrorist organization and banned in several countries) extended condolences to both Tajikistan and China. They asserted that the attacks were carried out by factions seeking to “create tension and mistrust between countries in the region,” and expressed willingness to cooperate in the investigation and information exchange. On December 1, President Emomali Rahmon convened an emergency meeting with the heads of Tajikistan’s law enforcement and security agencies. According to the presidential press service, Rahmon “strongly condemned the illegal and provocative actions of Afghan citizens,” called for tougher preventive measures, and instructed security forces to reinforce surveillance and control along the entire border zone.

Opinion: After the UN Gaza Resolution – Kazakhstan’s Potential Role

The implementation of any new approaches aimed at a rapid, peaceful resolution of the Middle East conflict, including the latest UN Security Council resolution, which authorizes the deployment of International Stabilization Forces (ISF), shows that the international community is once again reaching the limits of tools that rely solely on security measures, temporary control, and external administration. Even the most carefully calibrated political or administrative frameworks cannot produce sustainable results unless the ideological nature of the conflict, including its spiritual, historical, and value-based foundations, is changed. It is increasingly clear today that peace in the Holy Land requires not only diplomatic and humanitarian efforts, but also a deep dialogue between the religious and civilizational traditions of the region. In this context, the experience of Kazakhstan, which initiated the creation of a unique collective mechanism for religious reconciliation, deserves particular attention. After lengthy discussions, the UN Security Council approved the U.S.-proposed resolution to form an international stabilization force in Gaza. That means authorizing external actors - for the first time through a UN-mandated transitional authority - to participate in Gaza’s administrative and security arrangements. Thirteen countries supported the resolution, with only Russia and China abstaining. This step creates a new legal reality: the international community now holds a formal mandate to support Gaza’s security, humanitarian access, and reconstruction. Yet the resolution raises another question: will this become the foundation for lasting peace, or merely another temporary structure that keeps the situation under control without changing its essence? The U.S.-Israeli planning model - widely discussed in reporting - proposing dividing Gaza into "green" and "red" zones, reflects an approach in which security replaces reconciliation. Historical cases, such as Bosnia and Lebanon, suggest to many analysts that such strategies rarely lead to sustainable stability. Territorial divisions, from Bosnia to Lebanon, tend to freeze conflicts rather than resolve them. The Palestinian enclave risks becoming an example of a “permanent transitional zone,” where military stability exists without political resolution or trust. In the future, a divided Gaza could face humanitarian collapse, intensified radicalization, and deep fractures in how the Islamic world perceives the West, especially if European troops are deployed. All this underscores a key point: without addressing the ideological and religious dimensions of the conflict - as many experts argue - territorial schemes remain temporary. The conflict in the Holy Land cannot be resolved solely with demarcation maps and international mandates. Breaking the deadlock requires more than another control mechanism; it requires a new architecture of reconciliation. And it must engage the roots of the conflict, including religious thinking, historical grievances, and cultural trauma, rather than its surface-level manifestations. Kazakhstan can play a unique role here. It is not just a new participant in the Abraham Accords, but a country with remarkable political, diplomatic, and spiritual legitimacy. It enjoys the trust of the Islamic world, maintains stable relations with Israel, is perceived by the West as a neutral partner, and has a successful record of coordinating great-power and regional actor efforts, such as the Astana process on...