• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10515 0.48%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10515 0.48%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10515 0.48%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10515 0.48%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10515 0.48%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10515 0.48%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10515 0.48%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10515 0.48%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%

Viewing results 499 - 504 of 1525

How Trump’s Trade War on China Affects Central Asia

When elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers. U.S. President Donald Trump’s decision to impose tariffs on China and the European Union could have severe consequences not only for Brussels and Beijing, but also for economies around the world. Central Asia is no exception, as it could easily be caught in the crossfire. Although no country in Central Asia sees the United States as its major economic partner, Trump’s trade war with the EU and China is expected to impact all Central Asian nations in one way or another. Their strong economic ties with China and the growing EU presence in the region were once seen as a strategic advantage. Now, it seems to represent a double-edged sword.  As a result of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, all Central Asian states have sought to strengthen economic relations with Beijing and Brussels. Their partnerships with China and the EU have grown through trade and investments, but Washington’s tariffs on Chinese and European goods could result in a reduction in demand for various items in Central Asia.  Trump’s tariff policy could also give Beijing certain leverage over Washington in the strategically important region. According to Mark Temnycky, Nonresident Fellow at the Atlantic Council Eurasia Center, as a way to counter the impact of U.S. tariffs, the Chinese could increase their trade and energy relations with the countries of Central Asia. “This would further accelerate China’s relationship with Central Asia, and it could result in the regional states becoming more dependent on the Chinese for trade. Given the proximity of China to Central Asia, this may also result in the regional nations reducing their trade relations with the European Union as well as with the United States, as they favor Chinese prices,” Temnycky told The Times of Central Asia in an interview.  U.S. bilateral trade in the region has never been particularly strong. The exception is Kazakhstan – the region’s largest economy – which is the only country in Central Asia whose trade with the U.S. exceeds one billion dollars. According to official statistics, in 2024 America’s total goods trade with Kazakhstan was estimated at $3.4 billion. Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan combined have a lower trade volume with the United States than Kazakhstan. But all that is just a drop in the ocean compared to the $89.4 billion trade China reached with Central Asian in 2023. “Trump’s tariff policy could lead to an even greater Central Asian states’ dependency on China, potentially creating a Chinese monopoly on Central Asian trade and energy. In other words, regional countries would no longer have a diversified economy and market, thus tightening China's control over the area,” Temnycky stressed. That, however, does not necessarily mean that Beijing will, in the long term, benefit from Washington’s tariff policy. According to Tyler Schipper, an economist and Associate Professor at the University of St. Thomas, China is “arguably at one of its economically weakest points in the last several decades,” which means that any trade war with the...

Central Asia’s AI Pursuit: A Tale of Ambition and Progress

The term “rare earth metals” has become a buzzword in the modern geo-economic lexicon, popularized by U.S. President Donald Trump in contexts where American investments are expected. However, before that, “artificial intelligence” (AI) had already emerged as a global symbol of technological advancement and economic competitiveness. At least four of the five Central Asian republics have joined the race to implement AI technologies, though, until recently, two of them lacked the necessary prerequisites for such a leap. Kazakhstan Sets the Pace A key factor for the successful adoption of AI is the level of digitalization, an area in which Kazakhstan has made significant progress. The country’s digital transformation began with the banking sector and later expanded to public services, with nearly 100% of government services now available online. The COVID-19 pandemic accelerated this shift, making digital access to state institutions and banks a necessity. Since 2022, when AI became synonymous with technological leadership, exemplified by developments in China and the U.S., Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has actively promoted AI initiatives. In the summer of 2023, the government adopted the Concept for the Development of Artificial Intelligence for 2024-2029. During discussions on this initiative, officials reviewed measures already in place, such as Smart Data Ukimet, a centralized system integrating data from 93 government databases. Plans include deploying a supercomputer, expanding data processing centers, launching a national AI platform, and enhancing fiber-optic networks. Additionally, the Ministry of Science and Higher Education is working on a large language model (LLM) focused on the Kazakh language and cultural heritage. Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov has set a clear goal: “By 2029, the number of AI-based products should increase fivefold. The share of educational programs related to AI must also expand. We need qualified specialists in this field, and it is crucial to consider the needs of domestic companies, which will have a multiplier effect on the economy.” Bektenov also emphasized the role of the National Center for AI in fostering youth involvement, developing human capital, and promoting AI culture. Furthermore, he instructed the Ministry of Justice to enhance legal frameworks for AI regulation​. In December 2024, President Tokayev presented Kazakhstan’s first Kazakh language AI model, KazLLM, expressing satisfaction with its development: “We have taught artificial intelligence to think, analyze, and communicate in Kazakh. This achievement opens new prospects for our language in the digital sphere. We must build a Multimodal Language Model, capable of processing various data types simultaneously.” On March 3, 2025, Kazakhstan’s Mazhilis (lower house of parliament) reviewed a draft law, On Artificial Intelligence. If passed, it will be the world’s second AI law after the European AI Act. Uzbekistan's Ambitious Strategy Uzbekistan, another Central Asian country vying for AI leadership, has similarly prioritized digitalization. However, it lags slightly behind Kazakhstan in implementation speed. On October 14, 2024, Uzbekistan adopted its Strategy for the Development of Artificial Intelligence Technologies Until 2030, which outlines several ambitious targets: Increasing AI-driven software and services to $1.5 billion Expanding AI-powered government services on the Single Portal of...

International Human Rights Activists Demand Release of Tajik Journalist Rukhshona Khakimova

The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders has strongly condemned the sentencing of Tajik journalist Rukhshona Khakimova, calling on Tajik authorities to release her immediately and unconditionally​. In a statement issued on March 3, the Observatory asserted that Khakimova’s prosecution is linked to her participation in a politically sensitive poll on China’s influence in Tajikistan. The survey, commissioned by the Kyrgyz NGO Barometer, included interviews with political figures, some of whom belong to the opposition and face pressure from authorities​. “Ms. Khakimova is officially charged with ‘high treason’ under Article 305 of Tajikistan’s Criminal Code. This charge is part of a broader investigation into an alleged coup attempt, despite the absence of credible evidence. It is being used to suppress critical voices,” the statement said. Concerns Over Due Process and Human Rights Violations Human rights organizations have raised concerns about the secrecy of the trial, closed court sessions, and lack of transparency in the investigation. Activists argue that these factors indicate serious violations of due process. A particularly troubling aspect of the case is Khakimova’s separation from her two young children, who are two years old and nine months old. At the time of her arrest, she was still breastfeeding her younger child. Authorities have denied her mother’s request to bring the infant to the detention center, and her property has been confiscated, exacerbating her family’s financial difficulties. The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders has urged the Tajik government to: Release Khakimova immediately. Respect her rights as a mother and consider the wellbeing of her children. Ensure a fair and transparent judicial process. International Condemnation Several other human rights organizations, including Human Rights Watch (HRW) and Reporters Without Borders (RSF), have also condemned the eight-year prison sentence handed to Khakimova. The 31-year-old journalist was convicted of “complicity in high treason using her official position”, a charge that has sparked public outrage and widespread debate on social media. On February 13, the Chairman of Tajikistan’s Supreme Court acknowledged public criticism of the verdict but defended the decision, stating that Tajik law does not provide for leniency in cases involving “especially grave crimes”. Khakimova’s case has become a symbol of shrinking press freedoms in Tajikistan. With global human rights organizations increasing pressure, the Tajik government now faces growing calls to reconsider her sentence and uphold freedom of the press and due process.

Kyrgyzstan Hails Border Deal with Tajikistan as Major Diplomatic Success

Kamchybek Tashiyev, head of Kyrgyzstan's State Committee for National Security (GKNB), addressed parliament for the first time regarding the Kyrgyz-Tajik border agreements. He clarified the terms of the final agreement and explained the territorial concessions Kyrgyzstan made to prevent future border conflicts. The document has sparked mixed reactions in Kyrgyz society, with some deputies expressing dissatisfaction with the delimitation results, while ordinary citizens hope for lasting peace between the two countries. Final Agreement Tashiyev stated that the border agreement was based on the 1991 accords, countering earlier Tajik proposals to rely on documents from 1924-27. Years of work by geographers enabled both sides to reach mutual compromises. The Kyrgyz-Tajik border spans 1,006 kilometers. By 2011, 520 kilometers had been delineated, while the remaining 486 kilometers were settled over the past three years. “We have prepared several documents for signing by the presidents of both countries, including an agreement on the state border, an agreement on water resources—a previous water dispute in 2022 led to armed conflict—as well as agreements on cross-border road use and new infrastructure projects,” Tashiyev said. Over the past three years, the two nations have held numerous bilateral meetings, resulting in the signing of 45 protocols. Tashiyev noted that the process could be finalized within a month, as the Kyrgyz parliament has already approved the agreement, leaving only the leaders' signatures. Parliamentary Debate “We are making history! We have responsibly completed border delimitation with Uzbekistan. We approved the agreements with Tajikistan without debate. The people appreciate this. But public opinion is divided—that is common. If 50-60% of citizens support it, stability will follow,” said MP Nadira Narmatova during the parliamentary session. However, some MPs opposed the government's decision. Sultanbai Aizhigitov, an MP from Batken Oblast, criticized the transfer of Dostuk village, where Kyrgyz authorities had previously built roads and reinforced the state border. He also disapproved of the shared water intake arrangement, arguing that the territory had always belonged to Kyrgyzstan. Voices from Border Villages In an interview with The Times of Central Asia, Kanybek Myrzamuratov, a resident of Samarkandek village near the border, said most locals supported the government's decision. While some land was ceded, he emphasized that peace was the priority. “In some places, one street belongs to two countries—Tajiks on one side, Kyrgyz on the other. Disputes often started over minor issues but escalated into larger conflicts. At times, entire villages would mobilize against each other, leading to casualties,” he said. According to villagers, tensions with Tajikistan became serious in 1996, though minor disputes occurred even during Soviet times. The Soviet authorities, however, downplayed such incidents. Both sides engaged in stone-throwing, livestock theft, and occasional violence. Myrzamuratov noted that Kyrgyz authorities kept negotiations with Tajikistan confidential to prevent unrest among border residents. “In Dostuk, Leilek District, houses were burned down in last year’s clashes. Residents would not have accepted a transfer to Tajikistan. To prevent confusion and disputes, the authorities remained silent,” he said. He added that locals now look forward to reopening the...

Tajikistan Steps Up Efforts to Combat Obesity and Malnutrition

The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations , in collaboration with Tajikistan’s Ministries of Health and Agriculture, has launched an initiative to develop national nutrition guidelines aimed at promoting sustainable food systems. The project was presented at a national workshop focused on improving public health through better nutrition. Rising Obesity Rates in Tajikistan Tajikistan has experienced a steady increase in obesity over the past 11 years. In 2012, 46.3% of the population was classified as overweight; by 2023, this figure had risen to 51%. During the same period, obesity rates increased from 13.4% to 17.4%. Despite these concerns, food insecurity and malnutrition remain significant challenges in the country. FAO’s acting representative in Tajikistan Aghasi Harutyunyan says that addressing these issues requires a collaborative approach: “This [initiative] is an important milestone for Tajikistan in developing a healthy eating framework based on sustainable food systems. All stakeholders in the food system have a responsibility to ensure that consumers have access to nutritious food. Through collaboration, we can develop policies that improve nutrition and strengthen the country’s agri-food system.” Food Security and Nutritional Deficiencies Although there have been some positive trends, food security remains a major concern for many Tajik citizens. According to Nushervoni Bilol, deputy director of the National Nutrition Centre, ongoing issues include lack of trained specialists, weak laboratory infrastructure, insufficient equipment, limited international support, and low government funding for nutrition initiatives. Health Ministry Data on Nutrition Trends A 2023 report from Tajikistan’s Ministry of Health highlighted both improvements and continuing challenges in the country’s nutrition landscape: The rate of exclusive breastfeeding among infants under six months increased from 34% (2012) to 41% (2023). The proportion of stunted children decreased from 23% to 14%. Anemia rates among women of childbearing age and children under five dropped to 35-36% (down from 41.2%). However, acute malnutrition remained at 5.6%, and the number of overweight individuals continues to rise. As Tajikistan works to improve public health and food security, experts emphasize the need for greater investment in nutrition programs, better-equipped laboratories, and stronger collaboration with international partners.

Central Asia Ranks Among Least Free in Freedom House’s 2025 Report

Freedom House has released its 2025 Freedom in the World report, which evaluates political rights and civil liberties in 195 countries and 13 territories worldwide. Covering events from January 1 to December 31, 2024, the report is based on the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, emphasizing that freedom is best safeguarded in democratic societies. Countries are assessed on a 100-point scale, with higher scores reflecting greater political and civil freedoms. Finland topped the ranking with 100 points, followed by New Zealand and Sweden with 99 points each. At the bottom were Tibet (0 points), Syria, and South Sudan (1 point each). Central Asia: All Countries Remain 'Not Free' Despite variations in scores, all five Central Asian states remain near the bottom of the global ranking, reflecting ongoing restrictions on political participation, press freedom, and civil liberties. All of the countries of Central Asia remain classified as “Not Free”: Kazakhstan - 23 points (5 in political rights, 18 in civil liberties) Kyrgyzstan - 26 points (4 in political rights, 22 in civil liberties) Tajikistan - 5 points (0 in political rights, 5 in civil liberties) Turkmenistan - 1 point (0 in political rights, 1 in civil liberties) Uzbekistan - 12 points (2 in political rights, 10 in civil liberties)