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How Orthodox Christians Celebrate Easter in Central Asia and Around the World

In 2025, Orthodox Christians will celebrate Easter on April 20. This central event in the Orthodox liturgical calendar is marked with solemnity and joy across Orthodox-majority countries such as Russia, Belarus, Georgia, Bulgaria, Greece, Romania, and others. In Central Asia, Orthodox Christian communities also observe the holiday, maintaining centuries-old traditions despite being religious minorities. Kazakhstan On the night of April 20, Easter services will be held in all Orthodox churches across Kazakhstan. According to the Semirechensk Metropolitanate, the Holy Fire from Jerusalem will be brought to the Ascension Cathedral in Almaty, where Metropolitan Alexander will lead the liturgy and Easter procession. The service will begin at 23:30 and will be broadcast live on the Metropolitanate's official YouTube channel. A ceremonial arrival of the Holy Fire is scheduled for 17:00 on Easter Sunday at the cathedral. Uzbekistan In Uzbekistan, the focal point of Easter celebrations is the Holy Dormition Cathedral in Tashkent. Each year, Metropolitan Vikenty of Tashkent and Uzbekistan brings the Holy Fire from Jerusalem. In 2024, he celebrated Easter Matins with Bishop Savvatiy of Bishkek and Kyrgyzstan. Earlier that year, Vikenty made another pilgrimage to the Holy Land to receive the flame. Tajikistan In Dushanbe, Easter is traditionally celebrated at St. Nicholas Cathedral. In 2024, dozens of worshipers, including members of the Russian diplomatic mission and the ambassador, attended the festive liturgy. Following the service, a traditional procession took place, and parishioners received blessings along with kulich (traditional Easter bread) and other Easter treats. Turkmenistan Turkmenistan is home to approximately 485,000 Orthodox Christians, around 9% of the population. The Russian Orthodox Church operates through 12 churches organized under a Patriarchal benefice. While official celebrations are relatively modest, traditional Easter practices are still observed, particularly in urban centers. Russia In Russia, Easter remains the most significant church holiday. Services begin on Saturday evening with a midnight vigil, followed by festive Matins and the Divine Liturgy. The faithful greet one another with “Christ is risen!” and respond “Truly risen!” In the morning, families gather around tables adorned with kulichi, paskha (a cheese dessert), and colored eggs, which are traditionally used for “egg battles.” Easter Traditions Worldwide Because Orthodox churches use the Julian calendar and most Western churches follow the Gregorian calendar, Easter dates typically differ. However, in 2025, both calendars align, and Easter will be celebrated on the same day. Traditions vary widely around the world. In Poland, congregants bring willow branches and blessed food to churches, and festivities continue with "Wet Monday," a water-splashing custom. Bulgarians dye eggs and enjoy family feasts. In Greece, fireworks mark the midnight celebration, and tables are filled with magiritsa soup and roast lamb. In France and Germany, the Easter bunny and chocolate eggs dominate the holiday. Italians serve colomba cakes and lamb dishes, while the British favor hot cross buns and organize egg hunts. In Spain and Poland, dyed eggs are used for games and decoration. In Australia, Easter is celebrated with countryside festivals and egg hunts. Sweden observes a four-day holiday beginning on...

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Essential but Unwelcome: Central Asian Migrants in Russia

The Crocus City Hall terrorist attack in Moscow on March 22, 2024 triggered strong anti-migrant sentiment in Russian society. Since then, the nation’s authorities have been imposing stricter migration rules. But how does this impact millions of Central Asian labor migrants and their families living and working in Russia? Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia became a major destination for migrant workers from Central Asia. According to the official Russian statistics, there are currently almost four million citizens of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan living in Russia, along with approximately 670,000 illegal migrants. Rosstat (the Federal State Statistics Service of the Russian Federation) reports that 260,400 migrants arrived in Russia from January to July this year, with 60% (about 156,200) coming from Central Asian countries. The majority of them are citizens of Tajikistan. In 2023, over one million Tajiks have moved to Russia in search of work. With a large community of its citizens in Russia, the Tajik government seems to be working to not only improve their legal status in the Russian Federation, but also to coordinate some of their actions, particularly in the field of culture. On April 9, in Dushanbe, a meeting took place between Tajikistan’s Minister of Labor, Migration, and Employment of the Population, Solekhi Kholmakhmadzoda, and leaders and activists of the Tajik diaspora living in Russia. Tajikistan initiated the summit after Russia began testing migrant children on their knowledge of the Russian language before admitting them to school. Starting April 1, a law came into effect that prevents Russian schools from enrolling migrant children who do not speak Russian or are in Russia illegally. This measure is just the tip of the iceberg in the Kremlin’s plans to regulate the migrant issue in the country. Alexey Nechaev, the leader of the New People party – one of the handful of the so-called systemic opposition parties in Russia – said on March 19 that “artificial intelligence should be made a new tool for monitoring migrants… It is unfair that Russian citizens are digitized from head to toe, while migrants continue to live with paper documents without any problems,” Nechaev stressed, pointing out that monitoring migrants’ activities through AI could “help keep a closer eye on what foreigners are doing and make it easier to track illegal money flows.” Last year, the Liberal Democratic Party – another ‘systemic opposition’ group – proposed restricting the rights of migrant workers to bring their families into Russia. This initiative raised concerns in neighboring Kazakhstan. The ambassador of the largest Central Asian nation expressed unease to Moscow about such ambitions, referring to the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), the foundation of which, as he highlighted, is based on ensuring the four freedoms – the movement of goods, services, capital, and labor. Russian reports, however, claim that, as a result of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan’s membership in the EAEU, their citizens living in Russia have a much better status than those from other Central Asian states. Despite that, on...

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Tajikistan Predicts Economic Slowdown Amid Declining Remittances

Tajikistan's economic growth is projected to decelerate to 7.5% in 2025, largely due to weakening domestic demand, according to the latest regional economic review by the Eurasian Fund for Stabilization and Development (EFSD). Migrant Remittances: A Key Factor The anticipated slowdown is primarily attributed to a decline in remittances from labor migrants, which have historically formed a substantial share of Tajikistan’s GDP. EFSD analysts forecast that from 2025 to 2027, the volume of transfers will gradually normalize after peaking between 2022 and 2024. Despite this decline, the EFSD maintains that Tajikistan’s balance of payments will remain stable, helped in part by reduced capital outflows, including foreign currency purchases. Previously, the World Bank reported that migrant remittances accounted for 45% of the country’s GDP in 2024, the highest proportion globally. By comparison, remittances made up 24% of GDP in Kyrgyzstan and 14% in Uzbekistan. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) expects this share to fall to 37% in 2025. Inflation Pressures Rise EFSD economists also warn of mounting inflationary pressures. Inflation is projected to approach the upper limit of the National Bank of Tajikistan’s target corridor, 5% with an acceptable deviation of ±2 percentage points. Over the medium term, inflation is expected to stabilize within the target range. Food prices remain the primary risk to price stability, the EFSD cautioned. Exports, External Risks, and Trade Barriers The ADB has also published a forecast supporting a more restrained outlook, highlighting falling global prices for Tajikistan’s key exports, metals and agricultural goods, including aluminum, as an added drag on growth. Additionally, regional trade barriers are posing challenges. Uzbekistan recently raised import duties on Tajik cement, a move seen by analysts as part of a broader trend of protectionist policies in neighboring countries. External conditions are also exerting pressure. Economic slowdowns in Russia and China, Tajikistan’s primary trading partners, could suppress both export revenue and remittances, the majority of which come from migrant workers in Russia. GDP Projections and Sector Breakdown According to the ADB’s baseline scenario, Tajikistan’s GDP growth is expected to slow to 7.4% in 2025 and 6.8% in 2026. In contrast, Tajik authorities aim to maintain growth at no less than 8%. In 2024, the economy grew by 8.4%, a 0.1 percentage point increase over the previous year. GDP totaled 153.4 billion somoni (approximately $14 billion). The sectoral composition of GDP included agriculture (22.8%), industry (16.9%), trade (15.2%), transportation (9.3%), construction (8.1%), taxes (9.4%), and other services (18.3%). Despite the projected slowdown, ADB experts remain cautiously optimistic. They cite sustained investment in energy and industrial sectors, expanded agricultural and service output, and continued, albeit diminished, remittance inflows as key factors that will support Tajikistan’s economic momentum.

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Afghanistan and Central Asia: Pragmatism Instead of Illusions

“When the winds of change blow, some build walls, others build windmills.” — Chinese proverb Afghanistan remains one of the most complex and controversial spots on the map of Eurasia. After the Taliban came to power in 2021, it seemed the countries of Central Asia were faced with a choice: to distance themselves from the new regime or cautiously engage with it. However, it appears they have chosen a third path - pragmatic cooperation free from political intentions. Today, a window of opportunity is opening for the Central Asian states to reconsider their relationship with Afghanistan, not as a buffer zone or a source of instability, but as a potential element of a new regional architecture. At the same time, these countries are in no hurry to establish close political ties with Kabul. They avoid making declarations about "integrating" Afghanistan into Central Asia as a geopolitical region. Instead, the focus is on practical, rather than political or ideological, cooperation in areas such as transportation, trade, energy, food security, and humanitarian engagement. This pragmatic approach is shaping a new style of regional diplomacy, which is restrained yet determined. Against this backdrop, two key questions emerge: What role can Afghanistan play in regional development scenarios, and what steps are needed to minimize risks and maximize mutual benefit? Afghanistan After 2021: Between Stability and Dependency Since the end of the war and the Taliban’s return to power, Afghanistan has experienced a degree of relative order. However, the country remains economically and institutionally dependent on external assistance. Historically, Afghanistan has survived through subsidies and involvement in external conflicts, from the “Great Game” to the fight against international terrorism. Today, new actors, such as China, Russia, India, Turkey, and the Arab states, are stepping onto the stage alongside Russia, the United States, and the broader West. In the context of current geopolitical realities after the fall of its “democratic” regime, Afghanistan has found itself in a gap between the experiences of the past and a yet undetermined future. It has a unique opportunity to transcend its reputation as the “graveyard of empires” and determine its fate while simultaneously integrating into the international community. How the de facto authorities in Afghanistan handle this opportunity will not only shape the Afghan people's and the region's future but also influence the development of the entire global security paradigm. In parallel, the countries of Central Asian are building bilateral relations with Kabul on strictly pragmatic terms: participation in infrastructure and energy projects, food supply, and humanitarian aid. All of these steps have been taken without political commitments and without recognizing the regime. [caption id="attachment_30841" align="aligncenter" width="1062"] The border between Afghanistan and Tajikistan near Khorog, GBAO; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] Geo-Economics and Logistics: Afghanistan as a Strategic Hub The regional reality in Central Asia is increasingly taking on a geo-economic dimension. The region is not only an arena for the interests of external powers but also a zone for developing transport, logistics, and energy networks in which Afghanistan is playing an...

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Central Asia: An Arena of Geopolitical Attraction

Though 2025 is not yet at its halfway point, Central Asia has already emerged as one of the primary stages of global diplomatic engagement. Rich in natural resources and strategically positioned between global powers, the region has attracted increasing interest from the European Union, China, Russia, and others. Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and their neighbors are asserting greater agency, pursuing multi-vector foreign policies, and striving to capitalize on evolving geopolitical dynamics. EU-Central Asia: A New Chapter Amid regular annual meetings, a landmark event this year was the inaugural EU-Central Asia Summit, held in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, on April 3-4. Leaders of all five Central Asian states met with European Council President António Costa and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. Discussions centered on infrastructure development, including the Trans-Caspian route, digitalization, energy security, and water resource management. The summit concluded with a pledge to sign an Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement. This meeting was facilitated by a reconfiguration of global alliances. U.S. President Donald Trump's new tariff policies and the evolving relationship between Washington and Moscow have led European leaders, unwilling to restore ties with Russia, to seek new partnerships. Central Asia, with its strategic position and investment potential, is increasingly appealing. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, the region’s economic leaders, are particularly eager to attract foreign capital. The EU represents a possible source, though Russian analysts remain skeptical about Europe’s ability to dislodge Russian and Chinese influence. For instance, Mikhail Neizhmakov of the Russian Agency for Political and Economic Communications noted that while von der Leyen spoke of a €12 billion Global Gateway investment package, China is the largest exporter of investment in the Eurasian region, with accumulated direct investment of $58.6 billion at the end of the first half of 2024, according to the Eurasian Development Bank. Security Discourse and Russian Narratives In addition to the EU summit, the region hosted other key diplomatic events, such as the Digital Forum in Almaty earlier this year, which was attended by Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin. Another major gathering was the CIS Council of Foreign Ministers, held on April 11, also in Almaty. Ministers approved a 2025 consultation plan and adopted joint statements on regional security, humanitarian cooperation, and opposition to unilateral sanctions. Kazakhstan: A Regional Diplomatic Hub Kazakhstan has so far distinguished itself as Central Asia’s foremost diplomatic player in 2025, hosting high-level visits and spearheading regional engagement. In January, Prime Minister Mishustin visited Astana and Almaty. February saw King Abdullah II of Jordan meet with President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev to discuss investment and humanitarian cooperation. In March, President Tokayev welcomed his Slovenian counterpart, Nataša Pirc Musar, who expressed interest in expanding bilateral trade. French President Emmanuel Macron is also preparing to visit Kazakhstan later this year, reinforcing France’s strategic interest in the region. In June, meanwhile, Chinese President Xi Jinping is scheduled to attend the second Central Asia-China Summit in Astana, where trade and investment will top the agenda. Navigating a New Geopolitical Order Today, Central Asia represents a vital intersection of East and West....

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Tajikistan’s Passport Remains Among the World’s Weakest

Tajikistan's passport has once again ranked among the lowest globally in terms of travel freedom, highlighting the country’s ongoing limitations in global mobility. This is according to the updated 2025 Visa Index ranking, Tajikistan placed 84th out of more than 90 countries surveyed. Holders of Tajik passports can travel visa-free to just 23 countries. An additional 33 countries offer visas on arrival, and two allow electronic travel authorizations (eTAs). Entry into 40 countries requires an e-visa, while advance visas are mandatory for 131 destinations. Compared to other former Soviet republics, Tajikistan trails significantly behind. Ukraine ranks 28th with 149 visa-free destinations, Georgia 45th (125 countries), Kazakhstan 63rd (82), Kyrgyzstan 79th (63), and Uzbekistan 80th (62). The only country in the region with a weaker passport is Turkmenistan, which ranks 92nd, offering access to just 48 countries. An alternative ranking by Passport Index places Tajikistan 66th, counting 23 visa-free countries, 47 with visa-on-arrival options, and four that accept eTAs. These slight differences arise from variations in methodology and recognition of visa regimes. Official data from Tajikistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs partially supports these findings, listing 35 visa-free destinations. These include 23 countries that offer unrestricted entry to Tajik citizens, regardless of passport category. Among them are Russia, Iran, Ukraine, Georgia, Armenia, Malaysia, Belarus, the Philippines, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgyzstan. Despite modest improvements, Tajik citizens still face significant challenges when traveling to most developed countries. Entry into the European Union, the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, Japan, and Australia, 131 countries in total, requires advance visa processing. Experts note that visa liberalization depends on numerous factors, including political and economic stability, diplomatic engagement, and international trust. Rankings like Visa Index and Passport Index evaluate travel freedom based on the number of countries accessible via visa-free entry, visa-on-arrival, or eTA. The highest-ranked passports provide access to over 180 destinations without the need for prior visas. For citizens of countries with "weak" passports, some turn to citizenship-by-investment programs to circumvent travel restrictions, especially businesspeople or frequent international travelers seeking broader mobility. Tajikistan’s passport remains one of the least mobile in the world. While visa-free travel to CIS and selected Asian countries provides some leeway, broader global access remains limited. Improving this situation will require intensified diplomatic negotiations and stronger economic partnerships that could eventually influence international visa policies.