Tajikistan Life & Culture - The Times Of Central Asia

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Internet

Global Internet Freedom Rankings: Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan Far Ahead of Eurasian Neighbors

The 2026 Global Internet Freedom Rankings, published this week by the research agency Cloudwards, have revealed that the five countries of Central Asia have significantly less internet censorship than all of their Eurasian neighbors. Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan’s online environments emerge as particularly encouraging cases. Cloudwards defines internet censorship as the banning or restricting of online content or services, such as social media platforms, VPN apps, and certain political or religious messaging. It also covers the more welcome deletion of harmful content. Censorship can be done by governments, or initiated by a country’s internet service providers and other businesses. The internet freedom rankings do not measure state censorship per se. Cloudwards' research scored 171 countries on a scale of 0-100, rating their overall levels of internet censorship using five key criteria: torrenting availability; adult content accessibility; social media platforms; access to varied political and religious content; and VPN regulations. Eleven nations returned the highest score of 92, including New Zealand, Belgium and Timor Leste. While North Korea scored 0, the next four worst countries for internet censorship – each scoring just 4 – all border Central Asia: China, Pakistan, Iran and Russia. Tajikistan’s score of 56, while only middling in the global context, means that its internet is subject to significantly less interference than almost anywhere in the wider Eurasia region. The Times of Central Asia reported last year that the country has repealed a law that allowed citizens to be prosecuted for ‘liking’ posts on social media that are critical of the government. The only Eurasian country to rival Tajikistan is its northern neighbor Kyrgyzstan, which has the second freest internet in Central Asia, scoring 52 in Cloudwards' ranking. For comparison, 52 is also the overall score given to the United Kingdom and Brazil. Kazakhstan scored 36 – above Singapore and South Korea, which both received a mark of 32. Uzbekistan scored 24. While Turkmenistan’s mark of 16 places it firmly among the world’s worst countries for internet censorship, this is nonetheless higher than countries including India and Turkey (both 12). Turkmen netizens still experience fewer restrictions than internet users in the aforementioned China, Pakistan, Iran and Russia. The authors of the Cloudwards report, British editors Kit Copson and Sandra Pattison, commented: "The reasons behind online censorship range from protecting people targeted by hate speech to quelling political dissent. In especially restrictive locations, censorship and internet monitoring are tools commonly to control narratives." They added: "The consequences for breaching government-imposed censorship laws depend on the country. They could include fines or even arrest or imprisonment for those in highly restrictive locations."

Childhood Obesity

Childhood Obesity Rising in Tajikistan and Across Central Asia, Report Warns

The number of overweight and obese children in Tajikistan is increasing, raising concerns among international researchers who warn that the trend could lead to serious health problems at an early age and requires urgent preventive action. According to the World Obesity Atlas 2026, around 12,000 children aged 5-9 in Tajikistan are overweight or obese. Among adolescents aged 10-19, the figure is estimated at approximately 20,000. Researchers note that the consequences of an elevated body mass index can emerge early in life. Among affected children and adolescents, about 2,000 are estimated to show signs of hypertension, roughly 1,000 may have elevated blood glucose levels, around 3,000 may experience high triglyceride levels, and approximately 6,000 may suffer from metabolic dysfunction-associated steatotic liver disease (MASLD). These findings indicate that health conditions traditionally associated with adulthood are increasingly being detected among younger age groups. Changing diets and early-life factors Experts identify several factors contributing to rising obesity rates, including dietary habits. On average, children aged 6-10 consume between 50 and 100 milliliters of sweetened beverages daily, increasing the risk of excessive weight gain. Early childhood nutrition also plays an important role. The rate of incomplete breastfeeding among infants aged 1-5 months reaches 71.3%, which researchers suggest may raise the likelihood of obesity later in life. Maternal health is another significant factor. The report estimates that around 23% of women aged 15-49 in Tajikistan are overweight, while the prevalence of diabetes in this group is approximately 1.5%. Experts stress that maternal health and early nutrition have long-term effects on children’s metabolic risks. Regional trends Similar patterns are emerging across Central Asia. The study indicates that Kazakhstan has comparatively higher rates of childhood overweight and obesity, while Uzbekistan also faces a substantial share of affected children. In Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan, the situation remains less severe but is gradually worsening, according to researchers. One of the main drivers identified is a shift in dietary patterns. Rising consumption of sugar, sweetened beverages, and ultra-processed foods is associated with urbanization, lifestyle changes, and increased availability of high-calorie products. Regional governments have begun to respond. As The Times of Central Asia previously reported, authorities in Kyrgyzstan recently approved higher excise taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages, including products marketed to children.

Book Launch

The USSR Is Gone, the Story Isn’t: Joe Luc Barnes On the Road Across the Former Soviet Union

On a foggy but mild London evening, The Times of Central Asia joined journalist and contributor Joe Luc Barnes to celebrate the launch of his new book, Farewell to Russia: A Journey Through the Former USSR. As the wine flowed, the conversation ranged from Silk Road cities to Soviet ghosts. It was exactly the sort of evening you might expect from a book that explores one of the world’s most complex regions with both political sharpness and a healthy sense of humor. Barnes’ book begins with a deceptively simple question: What actually happened to the fifteen countries that emerged following the Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991? The clichés are familiar: snow, concrete, and the KGB. Nevertheless, Barnes’ depiction reveals that the real story is stranger, funnier, and far more human. In the years since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, he has crossed the former Soviet states from Estonia’s tech hubs to Uzbekistan’s minarets and Azerbaijan’s flame towers, gathering stories from taxi drivers, activists, nomads, and anyone willing to converse over a drink. The result is part travelogue and part political detective story, with a strong dose of dark comedy about life after empire. Barnes moves easily between epic scenery and the absurdities of everyday life. Georgian wine and Armenian brandy make an appearance alongside Silk Road bazaars, smoky bars, and long railway excursions. At times there is also the lingering suspicion that someone, somewhere, is still listening. It is a portrait of a region that the West often reduces to geopolitics but which, as Barnes shows, is full of resilience, generosity, and a distinctly post-Soviet sense of humor. [caption id="attachment_45000" align="aligncenter" width="1600"] Image: TCA[/caption] Barnes is well placed to tell the story, as a journalist who has spent more than a decade working across China and the former Soviet space. Since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, he has visited all fifteen former Soviet republics, a journey that has taken him from former gulag sites in Kazakhstan to Tajikistan’s notorious Anzob Tunnel and through the shifting political landscape of the region. The book was released on March 5, a date heavy with Cold War symbolism. It marks the anniversary of Joseph Stalin’s death in 1953 and Winston Churchill’s Iron Curtain speech in 1946. With 2026 also marking thirty-five years since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Barnes’ journey arrives at a moment when questions about territory, independence, and Russia’s continuing influence feel newly urgent. Farewell to Russia: A Journey Through the Former USSR by Joe Luc Barnes is available now in hardback, audiobook, and ebook.

Animal Rights

Why Tajikistan Lags Behind Global Animal Welfare Standards

While animals are legally recognized as sentient beings and, in some countries, effectively regarded as family members, their legal status in Tajikistan remains ambiguous. The absence of a dedicated animal protection law, the continued shooting of stray animals, and illegal wildlife trade point to a systemic issue that extends beyond animal welfare. Tajikistan has not adopted a specific law on animal protection, despite ratifying the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity in 1997, which calls for the protection of wild and domestic fauna. In practice, regulation of stray animal populations often consists of culling by shooting. At the same time, other forms of cruelty reportedly persist. Although dog fighting is officially prohibited, activists say such events continue to take place. Cases of mass poisoning and other acts of violence against animals are frequently reported, but rarely result in publicized prosecutions. The country has no state-run animal shelters. The few private shelters that operate rely primarily on donations. Experts have also raised concerns about the condition of zoos, which they argue do not meet international animal welfare standards. Additional alarm has been triggered by reported incidents of illegal wildlife trade, including cases involving lion cubs. Despite public outcry in some instances, such cases have seldom led to broader legislative reform or sustained enforcement efforts. Sociologist and animal rights activist Malika Abdulvasieva argues that a weak legal framework contributes to a culture of impunity. “Unpunished cases of cruelty, from mass poisonings to shootings by housing and utilities employees, gradually normalize cruelty in society. This has a particularly negative impact on young people and generally leads to an increase in aggression and violence,” she said. One of the key priorities for activists remains the advancement of a comprehensive animal protection bill. However, even establishing a formally registered animal rights organization reportedly involves complex administrative procedures. In the absence of a unified state strategy, civil society groups and private businesses are attempting to fill the gap. Representatives of the Brigitte Bardot Foundation are expected to visit Dushanbe this year, and a large-scale free sterilization and castration program for stray animals is being planned in cooperation with German partners. However, activists emphasize that isolated initiatives cannot substitute for a coherent national policy framework.

Mountaineering

Reporter Christopher Wren, Member of 1974 Team That Found Climbers´ Bodies on Lenin Peak, Has Died

Christopher S. Wren, a journalist for The New York Times who was part of a 1974 American expedition that discovered the bodies of seven Soviet women climbers on Lenin Peak, on today’s border between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, has died at the age of 89. Wren died at home in Vermont on February 15, the newspaper reported, quoting his daughter Celia Wren. The journalist reported extensively from the Soviet Union and China during the Cold War, as well as other regions, and his report on the discovery of what he called “one of the worst tragedies in modern mountaineering” was among his most dramatic dispatches. Wren, an experienced mountaineer, was with a team that found the bodies of the all-female Soviet group on Lenin Peak, a 7,134-meter mountain in what was then part of the Soviet Union. Many international climbers had gathered there that year at a time when the Cold War dominated global politics. The body of an eighth Soviet climber was found after Wren and his teammates left the site. “The Soviet press did not report the deaths of the country’s best women climbers until after I had returned to Moscow and revealed the disaster in The New York Times,” Wren wrote in his 1990 book The End of the Line: The Failure of Communism in the Soviet Union and China. Usually accessed from the Kyrgyz side, Lenin Peak is not the highest mountain in Kyrgyzstan, nor is it considered the most technically difficult. Russian climber Natalia Nagovitsina and an Italian friend, Luca Sinigaglia, died last year on Pobeda Peak, the country’s highest mountain at 7,439 meters above sea level. Kyrgyzstan’s Mountaineering and Sport Climbing Federation says Lenin Peak is popular among “beginner climbers.” The peak, the federation says, “is one of the most accessible 7000s in the world for climbing, one of the five world peaks in terms of popularity, and its base camp - Achyk-Tash - is the most convenient in terms of infrastructure accessibility among peaks of this height.” Infrastructure and communications at the mountain were more basic half a century ago, and the perils of high altitude, the cold, winds and storms are significant. In 1974, Russian expedition leader Elvira Shatayeva and her party got into trouble in a storm as they descended from the summit. In radio calls, she told base camp that they were dying and, according to Wren’s book, her last words were: “Please forgive us. We love you. Goodbye.” Heading toward the summit after the storm cleared, Wren and his group found the bodies of the stranded Soviet women. “A body is stretched on the snow before us. With a chill of recognition, I know it is Elvira Shatayeva, the women's team leader with whom I sat and talked one evening several weeks earlier,” Wren wrote in a 1974 article. The Soviet media blamed the storm for the disaster. But Wren said he wondered if more transparency and communication among climbing teams at Lenin Peak, despite heightened tension and rivalry between...

Politics of Language

The Language Nobody Wants to Speak About: Russian’s Uneasy Place in Central Asia’s Cultural Conversation

Rhetoric in segments of the Russian media has sharpened debates over sovereignty and influence across Central Asia, pushing these concerns beyond policy circles and into everyday conversations. The region is reassessing not only pipelines and alliances, but language itself. In politics, this shift is visible and symbolic. In culture, it is more difficult to discern. The Russian language still shapes how Central Asian art is funded, circulated, and institutionally processed, even as institutions distance themselves from Moscow’s influence. This contradiction sits at the heart of contemporary cultural life in the region. Artists produce work rooted in Kazakh, Uzbek, Kyrgyz, Tajik, or Turkmen histories. They title exhibitions in local languages. They speak passionately about decolonial futures and cultural sovereignty. But when the catalogue is written, the grant application submitted, or the curatorial text sent abroad, the language quietly shifts. First to Russian, sometimes to English, and only occasionally does it remain in the local language. This is not nostalgia, but a structural inheritance. Russian remains the shared professional language of much of the urban cultural sector. Edward Lemon, President of the Oxus Society for Central Asian Affairs, argues that the language’s endurance reflects both ideology and pragmatism. “While local languages have become much more widespread as the Central Asian republics have strengthened their nationhood and as there has been an increase in anti-Russian sentiments since the invasion of Ukraine, Russian language use remains widespread,” Lemon told TCA. “Despite the ideological imperative to reduce reliance on Russian, there are some pragmatic reasons why it remains prominent. High levels of migration to Russia, particularly from Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan, mean that a basic competence in the language is essential to survival for many Central Asians. Russian remains a language of interethnic communication, particularly in Kazakhstan, where ethnic Russians, for the most part, are reluctant to speak Kazakh. While English has become more widespread and some of the Central Asian languages are mutually intelligible, Russian retains a status as a diplomatic, business, and civil society language for those working in multiple countries. Russia also remains a language of education. Over 200,000 Central Asians study in Russia, by far the largest destination in the world. Russian-language schools remain prominent at every level in Central Asia, from kindergarten to graduate schools. In short, while the usage of Russian is in slow decline, its position is relatively entrenched.” For cultural institutions, this reality means that distancing from Moscow politically does not automatically sever the linguistic infrastructure through which grants are written, exhibitions travel, and contracts are signed. Naima Morelli, an arts writer focused on contemporary art across Asia-Pacific and the Middle East, argues that the issue is less about elimination than coexistence. “For me, it makes sense that Russian continues to function as a practical operating language across Central Asia’s cultural infrastructure, as an inherited connective tissue of sorts. In the hypothesis of getting rid of it, the most obvious alternative for a shared language for exchanges across countries in Central Asia is English, which the global...