Uzbekistan Local Politics - The Times Of Central Asia

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Politics

Saida Mirziyoyeva, Uzbek President’s Daughter, Grows Her Authority

Saida Mirziyoyeva, the eldest daughter of Uzbekistan’s president Shavkat Mirziyoyev, will focus on education, business, the judicial and legal system, healthcare, and water resources in her new job as head of the presidential administration. Mirziyoyev has signed a decree with details about the structure of the office that his daughter took over last month, handing her authority in a wide range of areas that are critical to Uzbekistan’s efforts to modernize its economy and society. The move points to the increasing political influence of Mirziyoyeva, a polished operator who is comfortable interacting with foreign dignitaries and other international partners. The presidential decree announced the elimination of 284 staff positions and removed redundancies in other roles in the presidential administration, presidential spokesman Sherzod Asadov said Wednesday. Five deputies have been appointed to “ensure the effective implementation of reforms” in education and the other four areas that Mirziyoyeva’s office will work on, according to Asadov. Uzbekistan also has ministries and other agencies that work in those areas. Mirziyoyeva, 40, had served as a presidential aide before being promoted to head of the presidential administration. She has spoken in support of freedom of speech and women’s rights, issues that have sometimes run up against conservative culture and tight political controls in Uzbekistan. In a recent post on social media, she also noted that Uzbekistan earned a “BB” rating with a stable outlook from the Fitch Ratings agency, describing it as “the first upgrade since 2018!” Mirziyoyev, 67, has been president of Uzbekistan since 2016. He was re-elected in a 2023 vote after a constitutional amendment that reset the number of his terms in office and lengthened presidential terms from five to seven years.

Agriculture

Uzbekistan Elected to the UN FAO Council for the First Time

Uzbekistan has been unanimously elected to the Council of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) for the 2028-2029 term, the country’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has announced. This marks the first time Uzbekistan has secured a seat on the Council, which plays a pivotal role in shaping global agricultural and food policy. The FAO Council consists of 49 member states, selected to ensure equitable geographic representation. It is tasked with reviewing the FAO’s budget and programs and making strategic recommendations to the FAO Conference. Uzbekistan’s election is widely viewed as international recognition of the country's recent reforms in agriculture and food security. Under the leadership of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, the government has prioritized sustainability, food safety, and environmental protection. Council membership will provide Uzbekistan with a stronger voice in international agricultural discussions. It will enable the country to participate in the development of global standards, support national and regional initiatives, and attract international funding to advance key development goals. In recent years, Uzbekistan has collaborated closely with the FAO on several high-profile projects. In May 2024, the FAO and the Ministry of Ecology organized a workshop in Tashkent to launch a joint initiative on hazardous chemical management. Supported by the European Union, the project aims to reduce reliance on harmful pesticides by promoting safer alternatives to local farmers. Earlier, in March 2024, the FAO and Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Agriculture hosted a seminar on the “Recarbonization of Agricultural Soils” (RECSOIL), culminating in an approved national action plan. The RECSOIL initiative complements two ongoing FAO projects focused on sustainable land management in drought-prone and dryland areas. These efforts are already benefiting Uzbek farmers through the adoption of modern, resource-efficient practices that improve productivity while preserving the environment.

Saida Mirziyoyeva

Dynastic Politics Take Shape in Uzbekistan

More than a week after President Shavkat Mirziyoyev restructured Uzbekistan’s presidential administration — formally elevating his daughter, Saida Mirziyoyeva, to one of the most powerful posts in the country — the political ramifications are still unfolding. The move, which reintroduced the post of Head of the Presidential Administration and placed it in family hands, has drawn both domestic scrutiny and international attention for what it signals: the clearest step yet toward dynastic succession in post-Soviet Central Asia. President Shavkat Mirziyoyev reinstated the position of Head of the Presidential Administration through a presidential decree. The office had previously been abolished in August 2023, but her appointment formalizes what had become an influential de facto position. Since 2019, Saida Mirziyoyeva has steadily risen through the ranks of Uzbekistan’s political system, from deputy director of the Agency for Information and Mass Communications to head of the Information Policy sector, and most recently, First Assistant to the President. Her meeting with the Russian presidential administration in June 2025 is seen as a sign of international positioning, with Moscow reportedly signaling that it would not oppose a dynastic transition as long as its strategic interests remain intact. Analysts have pointed out that this appointment cements Saida’s formal role, casting her status within the government apparatus in stone and making any reversal unlikely. While some see this as a move toward a dynastic handover, others argue she still faces competition from within the elite. One such rival is Otabek Umarov, the president’s son-in-law, who holds a powerful position in the Security Service and is considered the 'gray cardinal' of Uzbek politics. In a dramatic twist, Komil Allamjonov — former head of the Information Policy Department and a close ally of Saida — has returned as her advisor. He previously resigned in September 2024 amid a reported feud with Umarov and survived an assassination attempt in October 2024. His return is seen by many as a sign of Umarov’s waning influence, though analysts caution that he still retains significant power in security structures. The rivalry could deepen internal fractures within the ruling elite, raising the risk of future instability.

Saida Mirziyoyeva

Daughter of Uzbekistan’s President – His Aide as Well – Gets Promoted

The eldest daughter of Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev has been elevated to head of the presidential administration, strengthening her power at top levels of the government of the Central Asian country. Saida Mirziyoyeva, 40, already had a high-profile role in Uzbekistan’s government, meeting international dignitaries in her role as a presidential aide. Now she will take on a newly created role that is likely to stir debate about whether she could become a candidate to eventually succeed her father. “By decree of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan, changes were made to the structure of the Presidential Administration. The position of Head of the Presidential Administration was established,” and Mirziyoyeva was appointed to the job, presidential spokesman Sherzod Asadov said Monday. Asadov’s post on Telegram included a photo of Mirziyoyeva standing and acknowledging the applause of officials around a table. Mirziyoyeva has spoken in support of freedom of speech and women’s rights, issues that have sometimes run up against conservative culture and tight political controls in Uzbekistan. While her father, President Mirziyoyev, has pursued economic reforms and closer ties with international partners, OSCE observers said in a statement that there was a lack of political competition in legislative elections last year and the vote “did not offer voters a real choice.” Mirziyoyev, 67, has been president of Uzbekistan since 2016. He was re-elected in a 2023 vote after a constitutional amendment that reset the number of his terms in office and lengthened presidential terms from five to seven years.

Soviet Legacy

Lenin Falls in Osh: Central Asia Redefines Its Soviet Legacy

The recent removal of a towering 23-meter-tall monument to Vladimir Lenin in Osh, Kyrgyzstan, has ignited heated debate both domestically and abroad. While many are surprised the monument remained in place for more than three decades after the fall of the Soviet Union, its dismantling is part of a broader regional trend of de-Sovietization, a complex process involving the renaming of cities, removal of Soviet-era symbols, and the reassertion of national identity across Central Asia. A Symbol Removed, A Debate Ignited [caption id="attachment_32769" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Lenin Monument in Osh, October 2024; image: TCA, Jonathan Campion[/caption] On June 7, Osh authorities dismantled what was once the tallest Lenin statue in Central Asia. Originally installed in 1975, the monument is to be relocated to a city park, according to the local government. Officials stressed the move was intended to improve the city’s architectural landscape, not to make a political statement, and have warned against "politicizing" the issue. Despite official reassurances, the move has sparked sharp reactions on social media and in the press, with Russian media outlets characterizing the relocation as an anti-Russian gesture. Generational divides have become apparent: younger residents tend to support the removal, while older citizens have expressed dismay over what they see as the erasure of history. “It’s a shame. It was more than a monument, it was part of our lives,” Elena, a local schoolteacher told The Times of Central Asia. “We joke that Lenin crossed the ‘red line’ and got demolished.” Irina Bayramukova, a 68-year-old public figure, called the decision a mistake. “The Lenin monument by Nikolai Tomsky was not only artistically significant, it represented an era. Removing it is like declaring war on those who identify with that past,” she told TCA. Kyrgyzstan, like other Central Asian republics, has been distancing itself from its Soviet legacy since gaining independence in 1991. One of the earliest symbolic moves was the renaming of the capital, once called Frunze after a Bolshevik military leader, back to Bishkek, a modified version of its pre-Soviet name. A Museum to Mikhail Frunze still stands in Bishkek, where the thatched-roof hut of his boyhood was purportedly transported brick by brick. A supporter of Stalin’s rival Zinoviev, when forced to undergo routine surgery by Uncle Joe in 1925, Frunze “mysteriously” died of chloroform anesthetic poisoning. Redefining History [caption id="attachment_32778" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Lenin Monument in Bishkek; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] Originally erected in 1984 in the Central Square of Bishkek, a Lenin statue was relocated behind the State Historical Museum in 2003. As previously reported by TCA, earlier this year a debate on removing the monument altogether flared up. In 2022, the National Historical Museum of the Kyrgyz Republic in Bishkek finally reopened its doors after being closed in 2016 for renovations which were planned to take less than a year but ended up taking six years. Several government officials were charged with misappropriating funds designated for the renovations, with former Prime Minister Sapar Isakov sentenced to 18 years in prison. Reportedly, over...

Victory Day

Victory Day in Central Asia: Honoring Sacrifice Amid Shifting Narratives

For the countries of Central Asia, Victory Day holds a deep significance. Although debates over the nature of the May 9 commemorations have intensified in recent years, the importance of the holiday remains unchallenged. A War That Touched Every Family Attitudes toward the celebration marking the defeat of Nazi Germany are largely shaped by each nation's level of participation in the war effort. Kazakhstan mobilized over 1.2 million people, nearly 20% of its pre-war population of 6.5 million. Of these, more than 600,000 perished at the front, with an additional 300,000 dying in the rear due to malnutrition, forced labor, and inadequate medical care. With a similar sized population, Uzbekistan sent approximately 1.95 million people to the front - or one in every three residents. Around 400,000 Uzbeks did not return home. Over 500 Kazakhstani and more than 300 Uzbekistani soldiers were awarded the title Hero of the Soviet Union. [caption id="attachment_31602" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Eternal flame and Crying Mother Monument, Tashkent; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] Kyrgyzstan, home to just 1.5 million people at the time, sent over 363,000 to the front. Approximately 100,000 perished, and 73 received the Hero of the Soviet Union medal. Tajikistan mobilized more than 300,000 troops, with over 100,000 never returning. Fifty-five Tajiks received Hero of the Soviet Union honors. Turkmenistan, with a population of 1.3 million, sent around 200,000 soldiers and officers; 16 received Hero status. Central Asian soldiers played vital roles in major battles, including the defense of Moscow. They helped liberate territories across the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The region also contributed 20-30% of its horse population, then a central component of local economies, for military use. The war profoundly reshaped Central Asia. Thousands of Soviet enterprises were relocated to the region, fueling industrialization. Millions of refugees from Nazi-occupied zones found sanctuary in Central Asian republics. Many children were taken in by local families and raised as their own. Today, many in Central Asia feel that outsiders fail to grasp the weight of Victory Day. While countries like the UK, U.S., Italy, and France recorded wartime deaths of 380,000, 417,000, 479,000, and 665,000 respectively, the USSR suffered over 26 million losses. German losses are estimated at 8.4 million. Celebrating Amid Controversy Recent years have brought a shift in how Victory Day is perceived in Central Asia. Symbols such as the Guards ribbon, criticized for echoing imperial Russian motifs, have sparked debate. Some argue that the holiday reflects colonial oppression, as the peoples of Soviet Asia were conscripted into a foreign war. These debates have grown louder since Russia annexed Crimea in 2014, with some now viewing the May 9 celebrations as a tool of Russian influence in the region. Nonetheless, Central Asian leaders have rejected efforts to "cancel" Victory Day, reaffirming its deep personal and national resonance. Efforts to distinguish the celebration from Russian state narratives are evident. Many events now emphasize patriotism rather than Soviet nostalgia. On May 7, Kazakhstan held its first military parade in Astana in seven years,...