Uzbekistan Local Politics - The Times Of Central Asia

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Soviet Legacy

Lenin Falls in Osh: Central Asia Redefines Its Soviet Legacy

The recent removal of a towering 23-meter-tall monument to Vladimir Lenin in Osh, Kyrgyzstan, has ignited heated debate both domestically and abroad. While many are surprised the monument remained in place for more than three decades after the fall of the Soviet Union, its dismantling is part of a broader regional trend of de-Sovietization, a complex process involving the renaming of cities, removal of Soviet-era symbols, and the reassertion of national identity across Central Asia. A Symbol Removed, A Debate Ignited [caption id="attachment_32769" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Lenin Monument in Osh, October 2024; image: TCA, Jonathan Campion[/caption] On June 7, Osh authorities dismantled what was once the tallest Lenin statue in Central Asia. Originally installed in 1975, the monument is to be relocated to a city park, according to the local government. Officials stressed the move was intended to improve the city’s architectural landscape, not to make a political statement, and have warned against "politicizing" the issue. Despite official reassurances, the move has sparked sharp reactions on social media and in the press, with Russian media outlets characterizing the relocation as an anti-Russian gesture. Generational divides have become apparent: younger residents tend to support the removal, while older citizens have expressed dismay over what they see as the erasure of history. “It’s a shame. It was more than a monument, it was part of our lives,” Elena, a local schoolteacher told The Times of Central Asia. “We joke that Lenin crossed the ‘red line’ and got demolished.” Irina Bayramukova, a 68-year-old public figure, called the decision a mistake. “The Lenin monument by Nikolai Tomsky was not only artistically significant, it represented an era. Removing it is like declaring war on those who identify with that past,” she told TCA. Kyrgyzstan, like other Central Asian republics, has been distancing itself from its Soviet legacy since gaining independence in 1991. One of the earliest symbolic moves was the renaming of the capital, once called Frunze after a Bolshevik military leader, back to Bishkek, a modified version of its pre-Soviet name. A Museum to Mikhail Frunze still stands in Bishkek, where the thatched-roof hut of his boyhood was purportedly transported brick by brick. A supporter of Stalin’s rival Zinoviev, when forced to undergo routine surgery by Uncle Joe in 1925, Frunze “mysteriously” died of chloroform anesthetic poisoning. Redefining History [caption id="attachment_32778" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Lenin Monument in Bishkek; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] Originally erected in 1984 in the Central Square of Bishkek, a Lenin statue was relocated behind the State Historical Museum in 2003. As previously reported by TCA, earlier this year a debate on removing the monument altogether flared up. In 2022, the National Historical Museum of the Kyrgyz Republic in Bishkek finally reopened its doors after being closed in 2016 for renovations which were planned to take less than a year but ended up taking six years. Several government officials were charged with misappropriating funds designated for the renovations, with former Prime Minister Sapar Isakov sentenced to 18 years in prison. Reportedly, over...

Victory Day

Victory Day in Central Asia: Honoring Sacrifice Amid Shifting Narratives

For the countries of Central Asia, Victory Day holds a deep significance. Although debates over the nature of the May 9 commemorations have intensified in recent years, the importance of the holiday remains unchallenged. A War That Touched Every Family Attitudes toward the celebration marking the defeat of Nazi Germany are largely shaped by each nation's level of participation in the war effort. Kazakhstan mobilized over 1.2 million people, nearly 20% of its pre-war population of 6.5 million. Of these, more than 600,000 perished at the front, with an additional 300,000 dying in the rear due to malnutrition, forced labor, and inadequate medical care. With a similar sized population, Uzbekistan sent approximately 1.95 million people to the front - or one in every three residents. Around 400,000 Uzbeks did not return home. Over 500 Kazakhstani and more than 300 Uzbekistani soldiers were awarded the title Hero of the Soviet Union. [caption id="attachment_31602" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Eternal flame and Crying Mother Monument, Tashkent; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] Kyrgyzstan, home to just 1.5 million people at the time, sent over 363,000 to the front. Approximately 100,000 perished, and 73 received the Hero of the Soviet Union medal. Tajikistan mobilized more than 300,000 troops, with over 100,000 never returning. Fifty-five Tajiks received Hero of the Soviet Union honors. Turkmenistan, with a population of 1.3 million, sent around 200,000 soldiers and officers; 16 received Hero status. Central Asian soldiers played vital roles in major battles, including the defense of Moscow. They helped liberate territories across the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The region also contributed 20-30% of its horse population, then a central component of local economies, for military use. The war profoundly reshaped Central Asia. Thousands of Soviet enterprises were relocated to the region, fueling industrialization. Millions of refugees from Nazi-occupied zones found sanctuary in Central Asian republics. Many children were taken in by local families and raised as their own. Today, many in Central Asia feel that outsiders fail to grasp the weight of Victory Day. While countries like the UK, U.S., Italy, and France recorded wartime deaths of 380,000, 417,000, 479,000, and 665,000 respectively, the USSR suffered over 26 million losses. German losses are estimated at 8.4 million. Celebrating Amid Controversy Recent years have brought a shift in how Victory Day is perceived in Central Asia. Symbols such as the Guards ribbon, criticized for echoing imperial Russian motifs, have sparked debate. Some argue that the holiday reflects colonial oppression, as the peoples of Soviet Asia were conscripted into a foreign war. These debates have grown louder since Russia annexed Crimea in 2014, with some now viewing the May 9 celebrations as a tool of Russian influence in the region. Nonetheless, Central Asian leaders have rejected efforts to "cancel" Victory Day, reaffirming its deep personal and national resonance. Efforts to distinguish the celebration from Russian state narratives are evident. Many events now emphasize patriotism rather than Soviet nostalgia. On May 7, Kazakhstan held its first military parade in Astana in seven years,...

Water

Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan Reach Deal to Share Chashma Water Spring

Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan have reached an agreement to jointly use the Chashma water spring, located along their shared border. According to Uzbekistan’s government portal, both countries have confirmed the main terms of the agreement, ensuring that Uzbek citizens can access the spring freely. They also agreed not to undertake any actions that would hinder full use of the spring by citizens of either side. The agreement was reached during a meeting held in Tashkent on April 24, led by Uzbek Prime Minister Abdulla Aripov and Kyrgyz Deputy Prime Minister Kamchybek Tashiev. During the meeting, the delegations also approved a protocol concerning the final unsettled section of the border. Both sides emphasized that the Chashma spring is a shared treasure of the Uzbek and Kyrgyz peoples. Under the agreement, Uzbekistan will have access to two-thirds of the spring’s water. Any activities that could impact the quantity or quality of the water must be coordinated with the Uzbek side. The two countries also agreed to finalize and sign a comprehensive agreement on the joint use of the Chashma spring and the final demarcation of the state border as soon as possible. The talks were praised for helping to ease border crossings for citizens and goods. Both sides stressed the need to promptly update and sign a protocol to amend the 2004 agreement on border checkpoints to make cross-border travel more convenient for citizens. The delegations agreed to convene another meeting of the working groups soon. At the conclusion of the talks, a protocol summarizing the agreements was signed. The Chashma spring has been a sensitive issue in the past. In May 2020, a conflict erupted during a joint irrigation canal cleaning operation at the spring, resulting in injuries. According to Uzbekistan’s Foreign Ministry, 187 Uzbeks were injured, while Kyrgyzstan’s Health Ministry reported that 25 individuals were hospitalized.

Nationalism

Ultra-Nationalist Russian Lawmaker Sets Sights on Uzbek Community Leader

A senior Russian lawmaker has called on prosecutors to investigate Bahrom Ismailov, the former head of the Uzbek National and Cultural Autonomy Council in Moscow. Leonid Slutsky, leader of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR), said he will formally request an inquiry into Ismailov’s past activities and the process by which he acquired Russian citizenship. An ultra-nationalist, Slutsky has previously led anti-migrant rhetoric, including calls for a "Migrant Code", and a bill designed to restrict the right of migrant workers to bring their families into the country. This time, Slutsky's demand follows an interview in which Ismailov reportedly stated, “Uzbeks want to settle in Russia,” and referred to an ongoing cultural “expansion,” citing the spread of Uzbek teahouses, traditional cuisine, and the presence of large Uzbek families across the country. Slutsky accused Ismailov, who is ethnically Uzbek and now a Russian citizen, of promoting illegal migration and questioned his loyalty. “He got our citizenship, but his heart seems to be in another country,” Slutsky said. “We will check everything from how he entered Russia and legalized his stay, to how he received his education, built his business, and interacted with the Uzbek diaspora.” While describing Ismailov’s remarks as naive, Slutsky argued they raise legitimate concerns about unchecked migration and its perception among the Russian public. He also alleged that Ismailov had previously pledged to facilitate the entry of more Uzbek nationals into Russia by assisting with documentation, housing, and access to social benefits. The comments come amid heightened scrutiny of migration policy in Russia, particularly following recent security incidents and increasing nationalist sentiment. The LDPR has long advocated for stricter controls on migration and closer monitoring of ethnic and cultural organizations. Ismailov has yet to publicly responded to the allegations or the calls for investigation.

Transport and Logistics

Kyrgyz Lawmaker Challenges $15 Tint Fee for Drivers Crossing into Uzbekistan

Kyrgyz drivers crossing into Uzbekistan are being charged a $15 fee if their vehicle windows are tinted, a policy that has drawn criticism from Kyrgyz lawmaker Dastan Bekeshev. Speaking during an April 2 session of the Jogorku Kenesh (Supreme Council of Kyrgyzstan), Bekeshev urged the government to either introduce a reciprocal fee for Uzbek vehicles entering Kyrgyzstan or to negotiate with Tashkent to eliminate the charge altogether. Addressing Foreign Minister Jeenbek Kulubaev, Bekeshev explained that many Kyrgyz citizens regularly travel between Jalal-Abad and Batken, routes that often require passage through Uzbek territory. “They charge $15 for every car with tinted rear windows, almost every day. But we don’t charge them anything,” he said. The fee is collected via Uzbekistan’s MBANK mobile application, streamlining payment for drivers. Many Kyrgyz citizens consider the charge unjustified and burdensome. Tinting regulations differ significantly between the two countries. In Kyrgyzstan, individuals must pay 50,000 KGS (around $576) annually to tint their vehicle windows, while businesses pay 70,000 KGS (about $807). In Uzbekistan, rear window tinting is permitted at no cost, but tinting front windows costs approximately 3 million UZS (around $234) per year. Kulubaev acknowledged that the issue had not been formally raised before but assured lawmakers that it would be examined. “We can discuss this on a mutual basis and bring it up at an intergovernmental commission meeting,” he stated. Uzbekistan introduced the $15 fee in 2018 through a government decree aimed at regulating vehicle window tinting. Proceeds from the fee are directed to the state budget. The debate now centers on whether Kyrgyzstan should adopt a reciprocal policy or seek a bilateral agreement to eliminate the fee, a decision that may set a precedent for broader discussions on regional transportation and cross-border regulations.

Government

Power Shifts in Central Asia: The Unpredictable Path of Leadership

European Union Commissioner for International Partnerships Josef Sikela has concluded his tour of Central Asia, a visit conducted against the backdrop of global geopolitical turbulence. Unlike previous engagements, where European officials often criticized the region’s leadership for a lack of democratic progress, Sikela refrained from making demands on local governments. Historically, Europe has accused Central Asian states of authoritarianism and the entrenchment of long-serving leaders. However, the idea that power is uniquely permanent in the region is increasingly questioned. Critics point to Western examples, such as Angela Merkel’s 16-year tenure as Germany’s chancellor, and alleged electoral manipulation within the EU, such as in Romania, where elections were annulled after an undesired candidate’s victory. Meanwhile, in Central Asia, even presidents once considered “eternal” have eventually left office, sometimes peacefully, sometimes under turbulent conditions. Kyrgyzstan: The Unpredictable Outlier Kyrgyzstan is often described as a "democratic exception" within Central Asia, yet its history is marked by political instability and frequent leadership changes, arguably more so than in many of the world’s most conflict-prone regions. The country’s first president, Askar Akayev, held power from 1990 to 2005. Though re-elected three times, his rule ended in March 2005 when protests erupted over parliamentary election results that heavily favored pro-government candidates. Demonstrators stormed the Government House in Bishkek, prompting Akayev to flee. Reports, though unverified, claimed he was smuggled out wrapped in a carpet. Following Akayev’s ouster, Kurmanbek Bakiyev took power, but his rule ended in 2010 after violent unrest. His downfall was allegedly facilitated by Kazakhstan’s intelligence services, and he later found political asylum in Belarus under President Alexander Lukashenko. Since Bakiyev’s departure, Kyrgyzstan has continued to experience political turbulence. Presidents Almazbek Atambayev (2010-2017) and Sooronbai Jeenbekov (2017-2020) both left office under pressure. Atambayev’s tenure saw a diplomatic fallout with Kazakhstan, while Jeenbekov resigned in 2020 amid protests over parliamentary elections. His successor, Sadyr Japarov, remains in office, but whether he will complete his term is an open question. Uzbekistan: Reform Within Limits Islam Karimov, Uzbekistan’s first post-Soviet leader, ruled for over 26 years before his death in 2016. While he maintained a strictly centralized government, his tenure was also marked by violent crackdowns, most notably the Andijan uprising in 2005, which resulted in a Western diplomatic fallout. His successor, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, has introduced some reforms, loosening restrictions on civil liberties and the economy. However, the fundamental structure of state control remains intact, with opposition movements still tightly monitored. Kazakhstan: From Nazarbayev to Tokayev Kazakhstan’s transition from Nursultan Nazarbayev to Kassym-Jomart Tokayev is often described as managed succession rather than a genuine power shift. Nazarbayev, who led Kazakhstan for nearly three decades, officially stepped down in 2019, yet retained significant influence until the January 2022 unrest, which forced him to relinquish much of his remaining power. These protests, initially sparked by fuel price hikes, rapidly escalated into anti-government riots. While official accounts describe the unrest as an attempted coup orchestrated by figures within Nazarbayev’s inner circle, critics suggest Tokayev used the crisis to consolidate power....