Censorship - The Times Of Central Asia

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 8

Digital Development

Turkmenistan’s Digital Push Gains Ground Despite Tight Internet Controls

Turkmenistan remains one of the world's most tightly controlled online environments. Yet its state services portal now advertises more than 500 services, the country has more than 100,000 registered mobile-banking users, and the flagship city of Arkadag has launched a 5G network. The figures are official or state-linked and difficult to verify, and the scale remains modest by regional standards. Taken together, however, they point to a shift: digitalization is beginning to move beyond government rhetoric and into everyday administrative and financial life. A Shift That Is Hard to Measure Turkmenistan's digital transition is difficult to quantify. Official statistics are incomplete and independent checks are rare. That makes smaller, observable indicators - portal use, mobile-banking registrations, network launches, and infrastructure projects - especially useful. According to DataReportal, Turkmenistan had 3.53 million internet users in October 2025, equivalent to 46.1% of the population. Using the same source, internet access stood at 93.4% in Kazakhstan and 89.0% in Uzbekistan. Other estimates put Turkmenistan's rate lower, underscoring the uncertainty around even basic connectivity data. DataReportal also counted 5.24 million active cellular connections, representing 68.5% of the population, although a connection does not necessarily include mobile internet access. Social media use remains far more limited: the same report estimated 388,000 social media user identities in October 2025, or 5.1% of the population. Those figures coexist with severe controls. Human Rights Watch said in its World Report 2026 that internet access remains tightly controlled. The authorities have also seized and dismantled Starlink equipment and intensified internet blocking. However, targeted infrastructure projects are moving ahead. The 5G network launched in Arkadag in 2025 was implemented with Huawei and the Ministry of Communications and, according to official accounts, is intended mainly to support smart-city systems. The ministry says it is also developing a fiber-optic route toward Herat and a submarine cable with Azerbaijan to add international links and transit capacity. E-Government Moves Beyond the Legal Framework Turkmenistan launched its unified public services portal, e.gov.tm, in 2019. The Law 'On Electronic Government' came into force in July 2022, formally setting out how public bodies could provide services through information and communication technologies and exchange data electronically. The portal is available through a website and Android and iOS apps. It allows users to pay utility, communications, and education fees, book tickets, join the electronic queue for migration services, and submit applications to government agencies. Published service counts vary sharply. In April 2025, Orient referred to 46 services; in March 2026, the same publication said the portal offered more than 500. The reports do not explain the rise, but the larger figure appears to use a broader definition that includes informational pages and other functions, not only fully interactive services. In October 2025, President Serdar Berdimuhamedov approved the Concept for the Development of the Digital Economy for 2026-2028. A state program and implementation plan followed in January 2026. The documents call for wider use of digital systems across government and the economy, while separate work with the United Nations Development...

internet freedom

Turkmenistan Ranked Last Among Central Asian Countries in Internet Freedom Index

According to a report by Cloudwards, a portal focused on technology and internet security, Turkmenistan scored just 16 out of 100 points for internet freedom in 2026, placing it among the countries with the lowest levels of online freedom. The authors note that significant internet censorship persists in the country. Compared with its regional neighbors, Turkmenistan’s score is among the lowest. Uzbekistan received 24 points, Kazakhstan 35, and Kyrgyzstan 52, while Tajikistan ranked highest in Central Asia with 56 points. The gap reflects varying levels of access to information and differing degrees of online restrictions across the region. In a global context, the disparity is even more pronounced. North Korea received the lowest possible score of 0. The report describes it as a country where most residents have no access to the global internet, with only a limited group permitted to use a heavily restricted internal network. Countries ranking only slightly higher include Russia, Pakistan, Iran, and China, each scoring 4 points. None is classified as fully free under the report’s criteria. According to the study, platforms such as X, Facebook, YouTube, and TikTok are blocked or have at times been restricted in these countries. The report also highlights that in some cases, restrictions are more flexible in nature. For example, in China, access to VPNs and social media is not entirely prohibited but is tightly controlled, with users largely limited to approved platforms. Expressing politically sensitive views can lead to serious consequences. Turkmenistan is grouped alongside India, Myanmar, and Bangladesh, all of which scored between 12 and 20 points. In these countries, the report notes significant censorship and restricted access to information. At the other end of the ranking are Belgium, East Timor, Denmark, Iceland, Costa Rica, Liechtenstein, New Zealand, Norway, Slovakia, Suriname, and Finland, each with a score of 92. No country achieved a perfect score of 100. The study assessed internet freedom across several criteria, including access to torrents, adult content, political and social media platforms, and the ability to use VPN services. “Although certain types of internet regulation, when implemented carefully, can help combat hate speech, protect vulnerable groups, and limit the spread of harmful misinformation, in many countries, censorship has been taken to extremes,” the report’s authors state. They add that residents of countries with strict internet controls are effectively deprived of full access to information. This has implications not only for freedom of expression but also for education, technological development, and innovation. In some cases, the consequences can be more severe, including imprisonment for online speech.

Internet disruptions

Internet Outages Reported Across Turkmenistan Since February

Since February, widespread internet disruptions across Turkmenistan have affected both business operations and daily life. According to reports by the independent outlet turkmen.news, the issue is not limited to routine website blocking but involves broader interference with data transmission. Sources cited by the outlet suggest that a mechanism described as “network degradation” is being used. This reportedly involves the intentional reduction of data transfer reliability rather than simply restricting access to specific online resources. The Cybersecurity Agency and the telecommunications company Ykjam Aragatnaşyk have been mentioned in this context. According to these accounts, a significant share of internet traffic may fail to reach its destination. Estimates cited by sources indicate that packet loss could range from 30% to as much as 70% in some cases. “If, instead of the advertised 6 Mbps, subscribers simply experienced a reduction in speed, the inconvenience might be manageable. However, when data packets are lost during transmission, connectivity becomes unstable, making effective internet use extremely difficult,” one source told the outlet. In practice, users report that web pages often fail to load fully or display error messages, requiring multiple refresh attempts. Tasks that previously took seconds can now take minutes or longer. Services that depend on stable connections, including video conferencing platforms such as Zoom, are reportedly among the most affected. Although the reported restrictions are said to target external internet traffic, their impact has also been felt within domestic infrastructure. On March 10, banking services across the country were reportedly disrupted, with users experiencing difficulties withdrawing cash or making card payments. Communication has also been affected. Users report delays in sending messages through mobile applications, while some areas have experienced disruptions to mobile services. Businesses are said to be incurring additional costs, communication with foreign partners has become more difficult, online classes have been canceled, and access to essential online resources has been limited.

Freedom of Speech

Information Sovereignty? Central Asia Tightens Control Over Its Information Space

Across the post-Soviet space, governments are adopting new measures that affect the scope of free expression. Similar trends are visible in Central Asia, the Caucasus, and parts of Eastern Europe, reflecting wider global shifts in how states manage their information environments. In Central Asia, where journalism has long faced political constraints, recent policies indicate a renewed emphasis on controlling the flow of information. From Georgia to Kazakhstan: Pushback Against Foreign Narratives Recent events in Georgia highlight these changes. The adoption of a controversial “foreign agents” law, widely described as a Russian-style or “pro-Russian” measure, reflected the ruling party’s growing hostility to foreign-funded media and NGOs, many backed by European donors, and triggered mass pro-EU protests in Tbilisi. Similar dynamics are emerging in Central Asia, where officials increasingly view foreign narratives as interference in domestic affairs. In Kazakhstan, legislative restrictions on so-called "LGBT propaganda" have sparked both domestic protests and criticism from international partners. At the same time, well-known media figure Gulnar Bazhkenova, editor-in-chief of Orda.kz, has been placed under house arrest, an episode that underscores the tightening environment for journalists. The Bazhkenova Case: A Turning Point for Kazakh Media Bazhkenova, a prominent editor known for critical coverage of Kazakhstan’s political elite and security services, came under scrutiny after Orda.kz falsely reported the arrest of Foreign Minister Murat Nurtleu, an unverified claim that was quickly debunked. Although Nurtleu remained in his position immediately afterward, he was dismissed later in September, prompting speculation that the incident had political consequences. Soon after his departure, law enforcement launched an investigation into Bazhkenova. On December 1, Almaty police searched her residence and the offices of Orda.kz. Authorities stated that a 2024 article had disseminated false information regarding a law enforcement officer allegedly caught accepting a bribe, an incident that officials assert never occurred. Another article reportedly misrepresented details in a property dispute, allegedly damaging the business reputation of the involved party. The Almaty police have since opened additional investigations into past publications from Orda.kz that may contain misleading content. Media organizations have largely responded with condemnation, urging the authorities to decriminalize the dissemination of false information and instead treat such cases under civil law. However, the Union of Journalists of Kazakhstan issued a pointed statement calling on media professionals to “treat the preparation and dissemination of information responsibly. Individual cases for the dissemination of inaccurate information cast a shadow on the entire journalistic community of our country,” the organization said. An implicit acknowledgment, perhaps, that Bazhkenova’s actions may have crossed legal or ethical boundaries. Parallel Cases and Regional Patterns While suppression of the media in Tajikistan and Turkmenistan has long been widespread, Kyrgyzstan - long considered the most politically open country in Central Asia - has also moved to tighten control over its information space. In early 2024, authorities introduced a controversial “foreign representatives” law requiring NGOs and media outlets receiving international funding to register under a special status, echoing legislation seen in Russia and Georgia. Independent outlets such as Kloop, Temirov Live, and Azattyk...

TCA Interviews

“I Dreamed of Writing Without Borders”: An Interview With a Kazakh Journalist in Russia

Elmira, a journalist from Astana, moved to St. Petersburg six years ago to study journalism. Since then, she has transformed from a reserved first-year student into a working reporter, navigating culture shock, social media censorship, and the outbreak of the war in Ukraine. In this candid interview, Elmira discusses Russian bureaucracy, casual racism, and finding her voice in the Russian media landscape. She also offers reflections for others considering a similar path. TCA: Why did you choose to study in St. Petersburg rather than stay in Kazakhstan or go elsewhere? Elmira: I applied before the war in Ukraine began. At that time, Russia seemed like a land of opportunity, where you could earn a decent living even without connections, which is rare in Kazakhstan. Plus, Russia offers state-funded spots for foreign students, as long as you pass the entrance exams. Kazakh journalism programs felt underdeveloped to me; they lacked tradition, experienced faculty, and institutional history. In contrast, Russian journalism schools had all of that. Also, I wanted to write in Russian. My family always spoke Russian at home, and Kazakh was harder for me, an experience common among northern Kazakhs. Studying elsewhere was financially out of reach, and among CIS countries, Russia was the most appealing. TCA: Why journalism? And did your expectations match reality? Elmira: I’ve loved writing since childhood, school news, travel stories, anything. I imagined journalism as limitless creativity. In reality, it has even more constraints than other fields: editorial policies, laws, and censorship. Still, I wasn’t disappointed. Restrictions force you to innovate, and a strong story can always be told within the right format. TCA: What were your first impressions of university life? Did you feel like part of an international community or an outsider? Elmira: The university itself was a pleasant surprise. Many professors were open-minded and genuinely interested in students’ ideas. That made me feel I belonged. But the student environment was tougher. Although classmates claimed, “We’re not racist,” jokes about Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Caucasians were common, and occasionally about Kazakhs too, disguised as “harmless humor.” These moments were alienating. You’re sitting in the same lectures, working on the same projects, but still feel like a stranger. TCA: Was the Kazakh diaspora in St. Petersburg helpful during your adjustment? Elmira: Definitely. The community is very supportive. Besides the consulate, groups like Atameken and Dostar host cultural events. I couldn’t volunteer, but I never missed Nauryz or Independence Day. Just being able to speak with fellow Kazakhs helped me feel at home. TCA: What domestic or cultural challenges surprised you the most? Elmira: Dorm life was tough. Once, I overheard roommates say, “How can you live with a Chinese woman? She must smell bad.” These moments were rare but memorable. Still, there were warm experiences. In the dorm, I befriended students from Kyrgyzstan, Armenia, and Tajikistan. We cooked together, shared stories, and supported each other. That helped me to feel part of a community. I was also heartened that many Russian students were genuinely curious...

Legislation

Uzbekistan Adds to List of Banned Extremist Content

The Supreme Court of Uzbekistan has significantly expanded its list of materials classified as extremist, terrorist, or fanatical, prohibiting their import, production, distribution, and display within the country. Compared to last year’s version, which included over 800 items, the updated list now features 1,389 banned materials in audio, video, and text formats. The list has grown considerably across social media platforms: 203 Facebook pages (up from approximately 150); 713 Telegram channels (almost doubling from 400); 226 Instagram accounts (previously around 100); 135 YouTube channels; 35 Odnoklassniki pages; 44 TikTok pages; 13 websites; and 20 other sources. The identification of these materials is a joint effort by the Committee on Religious Affairs, the State Security Service, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the Agency for Information and Mass Communications. Legal Framework Under Uzbekistan’s Law on Countering Extremism, the distribution, storage, or demonstration of such materials is strictly prohibited, and access to them must be restricted. Violations of these provisions may result in criminal liability under the nation’s Criminal Code, as they pose a threat to public security and order. Historical Context Uzbekistan has steadily tightened its measures to combat extremist content. In 2018, the government adopted a decree allowing the blocking of media outlets that “promote extremist, propaganda, or hateful content on the Internet”. The following year, the Ministry of Justice published a list of 40 information resources identified as extremist. Subsequent updates to the list have reflected the government’s evolving focus on countering online extremism.