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“I Dreamed of Writing Without Borders”: An Interview With a Kazakh Journalist in Russia

Elmira, a journalist from Astana, moved to St. Petersburg six years ago to study journalism. Since then, she has transformed from a reserved first-year student into a working reporter, navigating culture shock, social media censorship, and the outbreak of the war in Ukraine. In this candid interview, Elmira discusses Russian bureaucracy, casual racism, and finding her voice in the Russian media landscape. She also offers reflections for others considering a similar path. TCA: Why did you choose to study in St. Petersburg rather than stay in Kazakhstan or go elsewhere? Elmira: I applied before the war in Ukraine began. At that time, Russia seemed like a land of opportunity, where you could earn a decent living even without connections, which is rare in Kazakhstan. Plus, Russia offers state-funded spots for foreign students, as long as you pass the entrance exams. Kazakh journalism programs felt underdeveloped to me; they lacked tradition, experienced faculty, and institutional history. In contrast, Russian journalism schools had all of that. Also, I wanted to write in Russian. My family always spoke Russian at home, and Kazakh was harder for me, an experience common among northern Kazakhs. Studying elsewhere was financially out of reach, and among CIS countries, Russia was the most appealing. TCA: Why journalism? And did your expectations match reality? Elmira: I’ve loved writing since childhood, school news, travel stories, anything. I imagined journalism as limitless creativity. In reality, it has even more constraints than other fields: editorial policies, laws, and censorship. Still, I wasn’t disappointed. Restrictions force you to innovate, and a strong story can always be told within the right format. TCA: What were your first impressions of university life? Did you feel like part of an international community or an outsider? Elmira: The university itself was a pleasant surprise. Many professors were open-minded and genuinely interested in students’ ideas. That made me feel I belonged. But the student environment was tougher. Although classmates claimed, “We’re not racist,” jokes about Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Caucasians were common, and occasionally about Kazakhs too, disguised as “harmless humor.” These moments were alienating. You’re sitting in the same lectures, working on the same projects, but still feel like a stranger. TCA: Was the Kazakh diaspora in St. Petersburg helpful during your adjustment? Elmira: Definitely. The community is very supportive. Besides the consulate, groups like Atameken and Dostar host cultural events. I couldn’t volunteer, but I never missed Nauryz or Independence Day. Just being able to speak with fellow Kazakhs helped me feel at home. TCA: What domestic or cultural challenges surprised you the most? Elmira: Dorm life was tough. Once, I overheard roommates say, “How can you live with a Chinese woman? She must smell bad.” These moments were rare but memorable. Still, there were warm experiences. In the dorm, I befriended students from Kyrgyzstan, Armenia, and Tajikistan. We cooked together, shared stories, and supported each other. That helped me to feel part of a community. I was also heartened that many Russian students were genuinely curious...

Uzbekistan Adds to List of Banned Extremist Content

The Supreme Court of Uzbekistan has significantly expanded its list of materials classified as extremist, terrorist, or fanatical, prohibiting their import, production, distribution, and display within the country. Compared to last year’s version, which included over 800 items, the updated list now features 1,389 banned materials in audio, video, and text formats​. The list has grown considerably across social media platforms: 203 Facebook pages (up from approximately 150); 713 Telegram channels (almost doubling from 400); 226 Instagram accounts (previously around 100); 135 YouTube channels; 35 Odnoklassniki pages; 44 TikTok pages; 13 websites; and 20 other sources. The identification of these materials is a joint effort by the Committee on Religious Affairs, the State Security Service, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the Agency for Information and Mass Communications​. Legal Framework Under Uzbekistan’s Law on Countering Extremism, the distribution, storage, or demonstration of such materials is strictly prohibited, and access to them must be restricted​. Violations of these provisions may result in criminal liability under the nation’s Criminal Code, as they pose a threat to public security and order​. Historical Context Uzbekistan has steadily tightened its measures to combat extremist content. In 2018, the government adopted a decree allowing the blocking of media outlets that “promote extremist, propaganda, or hateful content on the Internet”​. The following year, the Ministry of Justice published a list of 40 information resources identified as extremist​. Subsequent updates to the list have reflected the government’s evolving focus on countering online extremism.

Russia’s “Internet Isolation” Strikes Central Asia

According to numerous reports, including stories from emigre journalists formerly of the radio station, ECHO who now broadcast out of Lithuania, Russia’s purported throttling of YouTube is affecting swathes of the platform’s users across Central Asia. On forums and social media, users have complained that the site is not working properly. This comes as the authorities in Russia are attempting to wean its citizens off of YouTube, one of the sole remaining sources of uncensored news, and onto its replacement, RuNet, as part of a wider drive towards “internet isolation.” In a press release to state-owned news agency, TASS, the Russian Foreign Ministry stated that “YouTube is not a neutral platform, it works out the political directives of Washington. In addition, YouTube ignores Roskomnadzor's demands to remove over 60,000 materials with violations.” Deputy Chairman of the State Duma Committee on Industry, Construction and Science-Intensive Technologies, former journalist Aleksandr Khinshtein has also stated that the “degradation” of YouTube.  is a “forced step aimed not against Russian users, but against the administration of a foreign resource, which still believes that it can violate and oppose our legislation with impunity.” Khinshtein, an architect of legislation targeting the LGBT+ community for being an “element of hybrid warfare” against Russia, is subject to sanctions in the UK for his part in Russia’s war in Ukraine. Despite these open admissions, however, the Kremlin has also sought to lay the blame for the disruption on Google for using "grey and semi-criminal schemes" to manage server payments, which have caused its local subsidiary to go bankrupt. In the meantime, caught in the crosshairs of this wider battle, some users across Central Asia are continuing to have problems accessing the platform, with speeds down by as much as 70%.

Kyrgyz Writer Oljobai Shakir Sentenced to Five Years in Prison

On 14 May, the Alameda District Court of the Chui Oblast in Kyrgyzstan sentenced 52-year-old activist and writer Oljobai Shakir to five years imprisonment for inciting mass riots on social media against the government. At the previous hearing, Shakir a frequent and popular blogger, pleaded not guilty to the charges of slander and argued that the aim of his posts was to encourage open dialogue  between the country's leadership and its people on how the government is run. During the trial, the writer's lawyer, Akmat Alagushev, demanded the acquittal of his client and announced his intention to appeal. Olzhobai Shakir has been held in the pre-trial detention center of the SCNS since August 2023 on account of the “provocative nature” of material he posted on Facebook, TikTok and YouTube. Throughout his incarceration, the writer has denied the validity of the criminal charges against him. Renowned for his critical statements against the authorities, Shakir was arrested shortly after he had publicly scrutinized the government’s controversial transfer of four hotels on the shores of Lake Issyk-Kul to Uzbekistan. In a period when the government is increasingly clamping down on political opposition through social media, neither President Sadyr Japarov nor GKNB head Kamchybek Tashiev accepted Shakir’s invitation to be interviewed on the issue. Shakir is a well-established author and supporter of contemporary Kyrgyz literature, but like his activities on social media, his own work at times has proved highly controversial. Published in 2021 in a country where open discussion of LGBT+ rights is still taboo, his novel “Adam+” caused public outcry by relating the emotional challenges he faced during his daughter’s transgender transition.