• KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00190 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09146 -2.56%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00190 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09146 -2.56%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00190 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09146 -2.56%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00190 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09146 -2.56%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00190 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09146 -2.56%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00190 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09146 -2.56%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00190 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09146 -2.56%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01152 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00190 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09146 -2.56%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 -0.14%
02 December 2024

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 106

Russian Journalist Pivovarov Detained After Filming Cotton Fields in Karakalpakstan

Alexey Pivovarov, a Russian journalist and YouTuber, was detained in Nukus, the capital of the autonomous Uzbek republic of Karakalpakstan. He was questioned by authorities along with the photography team for his project, Redaktsiya (Editorial), and Feride Makhsetova, a journalist from the local news portal Hook. Their arrest was initially reported by Hook. The journalists were detained "for an interview", supposedly following a complaint by an unidentified citizen. Authorities confiscated the visual material collected by the team, who, according to Pivovarov on his Telegram channel, had been filming in one of the region's cotton fields. The Karakalpakstan branch of the Agency for Information and Mass Communications claimed that the detentions occurred because the journalists were not accredited by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Later, Pivovarov, Makhsetova, and their team were released by the Nukus Department of Internal Affairs. They subsequently traveled to Tashkent without the materials they had filmed in Karakalpakstan. The Russian Embassy in Uzbekistan addressed the incident, stating that it had contacted Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and would provide support to the Russian citizens involved. In a message on his Telegram channel, Pivovarov described the officials in Nukus as “friendly and polite.”

Kyrgyzstan to Impose Fines for Online Insult and Libel

The Jogorku Kenesh, Kyrgyzstan’s parliament, has approved a bill in its second reading to impose fines for insult and libel on the Internet. Initially criticized for its steep penalties, the fines have been reduced fivefold following public backlash. The bill was first introduced to the parliamentary committee in June. Public dissatisfaction arose over the high penalties it proposed, which included fines of 100,000 KGS ($1,200) for individuals and 200,000 KGS ($2,400) for legal entities. Kyrgyz Ombudsman Jamilya Dzhamanbaeva was among the first to voice opposition, arguing that the fines were “unreasonably high” and violated the principle of proportionality. Media representatives also demanded public consultations, emphasizing that laws affecting citizens' rights and media freedom require parliamentary hearings under Article 115 of Kyrgyz law. Responding to the widespread criticism, lawmakers amended the bill to reduce the fines by 80%. “It is every citizen's absolute right to criticize the authorities. But every criticism must have a ‘red line’ that no one is allowed to cross. Constructive criticism should never be perceived as an offense by government bodies,” said social activist Alisher Tashmatov, speaking to The Times of Central Asia. Tashmatov supported the need for libel laws, pointing out that false information, particularly targeting high-ranking officials during election seasons, is a growing concern in Kyrgyzstan. Guli Almambetova, former head of the Bishkek City Hall press service, shared her perspective, having faced numerous online insults during her tenure. While unpleasant, she said such criticism often provided valuable insights into municipal shortcomings. “This kind of unflattering feedback helped us analyze the performance of city services and address specific issues,” Almambetova explained. Known for her blunt social media commentary, she also acknowledged that her sharp exchanges with citizens spurred her to establish press services within municipal agencies to handle complaints more constructively. Almambetova stressed the importance of balancing responsibility and freedom of expression: “A system of accountability for one’s words is essential. Citizens should channel their grievances about poor public service through proper contacts. That’s how we grow as a society and find the balance between insult and constructive criticism.” Until such a balance is achieved, however, the state is adopting stricter measures to curb online hostilities toward public officials and institutions.

Central Asia in the Crosshairs: Experts Warn of Intensifying Global Information Wars

The shift toward a multipolar world is unlikely to spark a nuclear conflict, but it is setting the stage for a global information war, according to Kazakh experts. They predict that Central Asia will soon become the focal point of this confrontation. At a roundtable in Astana titled "Humanitarian Aspects of Information Security and Soft Power as Factors of Sustainable Development and National Consolidation of Kazakhstan," participants discussed how Kazakhstan could address these challenges while leveraging "soft power" to its advantage. The Information Warfront Yerzhan Bagdatov, director of the information agency Toppress.kz, stated that Kazakhstan has long been a hotspot for hybrid warfare between Russia and the West. This is evident not only in sanctions threatening secondary effects on Kazakh enterprises, but also in external information campaigns targeting the country. “The methods of information warfare - sabotage, provocations - are already evident in Kazakhstan. A Third World Information War, though unlikely to involve nuclear weapons, could still result in casualties, economic losses, and damage to infrastructure,” said Bagdatov. Bagdatov noted that media, social networks, and mobile apps have become primary tools in this warfare. Across the globe, specialized information operation centers are deploying these tactics, including in Central Asia. Kazakhstan has experienced attempts to stoke inter-ethnic tensions, undermine trust in monetary policy, and spread misinformation about health policies, including vaccination. Bagdatov emphasized the urgent need to combat these tactics through better public awareness and “information hygiene.” He pointed to Russia’s example, where an institute under the Academy of Sciences counters information attacks. He suggested Kazakhstan could expand fact-checking efforts, such as those by stopfake.kz, into a regional network to address cross-border misinformation. Building Resilience Through Digital Hygiene Alexander Drogovoz, deputy director of the Alexei Kosygin Institute of International Education in Russia, advocated for a unified approach among Central Asian nations. This includes creating regional communication platforms to reduce reliance on Western platforms that frequently block or ban content from countries like Russia. Drogovoz also highlighted the need to combat online anonymity, citing Italy's law enforcement measures to identify anonymous users and prosecute illegal online activity. “Authorities must treat online crimes with the same seriousness as real-world offenses,” he stated. Galym Baituk, chairman of Manash Kozybaev North Kazakhstan University, underscored Kazakhstan’s unique position at the crossroads of civilizations, making it particularly vulnerable to misinformation and propaganda. He called for the development of national digital platforms to promote the Kazakhstani agenda and state-supported education programs to help citizens distinguish facts from manipulation. Turning Challenges Into Opportunities Despite the threats, Aidar Kurmashev of the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies (KISI) argued that the situation offers Kazakhstan new opportunities to assert itself as a regional leader in "soft power." Kurmashev emphasized the growing importance of middle powers, such as Kazakhstan, in a multipolar world. Drawing on the experiences of countries like South Korea and Turkey, he suggested that Kazakhstan could foster coalitions to address global challenges while strengthening its regional position. Another opportunity lies in engaging with the Kazakh diaspora. Kurmashev proposed studying the...

Tajik Journalist Rukhshona Khakimova Faces Treason Charges Amid Controversy

Tajik authorities have charged journalist Rukhshona Khakimova, the niece of Shokirjon Khakimov, first deputy chairman of the Social Democratic Party of Tajikistan, with high treason under Article 305 of the Criminal Code. The charges are part of a larger investigation into an alleged coup attempt, according to sources cited by Radio Ozodi. The case, initiated in July, took a significant turn on November 22 when the indictment against Rukhshona and Shokirjon Khakimov was formally presented in court. The trial, held behind closed doors, has limited access to details, leaving the public and media in the dark. The Allegations Sources suggest that Rukhshona Khakimova’s charges stem from her involvement in conducting a politically sensitive poll about China’s influence in Tajikistan. The survey reportedly included interviews with Saidjafar Usmonzoda, a political figure stripped of parliamentary immunity and later arrested, and her uncle, Shokirjon Khakimov, who is also implicated in the case. It remains unclear how this survey forms the basis of a high treason charge. The secrecy surrounding the trial further obscures the connection. Background on Khakimova Rukhshona Khakimova, 31, is a graduate of the National University of Tajikistan with a career that spans investigative journalism for prominent outlets, including Youth of Tajikistan and several international publications. She is also a mother of two young children, the youngest being just five months old. Due to her family situation, Khakimova is under house arrest. Both her domestic and foreign passports have been confiscated, restricting her movements. She and her lawyer have declined to comment on the case, adhering to its classified nature. A Broader Context The trial, which began on November 14, involves multiple defendants, including well-known politicians and public figures accused of conspiring against the government. Held in a detention facility in Dushanbe, the closed proceedings exclude the participation of family members and the press, fueling speculation and concern among observers. As the case unfolds, it raises critical questions about press freedom, political dissent, and judicial transparency in Tajikistan.

Chechen Leader Kadyrov Denies Involvement in Attack on Allamjonov

On October 26 Uzbek media reported an attack on the former head of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev's information department, Komil Allamjonov. At around 1:40a.m., near his home in Tashkent’s Kibray district, two unidentified individuals fired several shots at the car he was in before fleeing. Fortunately, no one was injured. The weapon type remains unknown. Authorities have opened an attempted murder case and are searching for the suspects. However, the General Prosecutor’s Office has not confirmed whether Allamjonov was specifically targeted in the incident. Some opposition media have suggested a “Chechen connection” implicating Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov in the attack on Allamjonov. In response, Kadyrov denied involvement, stating that the media attributed the incident to him. “I don’t want to respond to this provocative leak. Moreover, work in all spheres, including information and law enforcement, is excellently organized in Uzbekistan thanks to the wise policy of the respected President Shavkat Miromonovich Mirziyoyev. I will only add that if I had really planned something, I would have completed it and with a 100% result,” he stated. Kadyrov emphasized the close ties between Chechens and Uzbeks, describing them as “brotherly peoples with a common historical past.” He added: “I regard this information leak as a tool of political play by some third parties and a clear attempt to sow discord between our countries. I am sure that other publications in the style of Western fakes will follow. Be that as it may, my dear brothers in Uzbekistan and I will definitely find out who is behind this provocative information leak.” The General Prosecutor’s Office stated that the investigation is ongoing, and promised further updates.

“A Punitive Decision To Scare Journalists”: Bolot Temirov Hits Back at Bishkek Court

After almost a year of proceedings, the Lenin District Court in Bishkek has convicted journalists Makhabat Tazhibek Kyzy and Azamat Ishenbekov of the Temirov Live project. Both were sentenced for calling for "mass disorder;" a verdict which the media project founder, Bolot Temirov, considers revenge for their professional activities. According to the court ruling, Makhabat Tazhibek Kyzy (head of Temirov Live) was sentenced to six years in prison, and journalist Azamat Ishenbekov, to five years. Two journalists, Aktilek Kaparov and Ayka Beishenalieva, were sentenced to three years of probation, whilst the remaining seven project employees were acquitted. On January 16, 2024, law enforcers searched the office of Temirov Live and seized all editorial equipment in the interest of the investigation. Eleven employees of the publication were searched and detained. Later, the Kyrgyz Interior Ministry said they had studied Temirov Live and Ait Ait Dese's content on social networks and that results of the forensic examination had shown that the employees of the editions had called for mass riots. A criminal case was initiated under Article 278 of the Criminal Code of the Kyrgyz Republic, “Calls for active disobedience to the lawful demands of representatives and mass disorder.” Two months later, most of the participants in the trial were released under house arrest, leaving four  journalists in detention. In an interview with the state news agency Kabar, Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov said two of the eleven defendants were professional journalists but emphasized that the “others are said to have education only to an 11th-grade level. How can you deny they were paid some money to sit on social networks and spread false messages calling for unrest? Once again, false information calling for unrest is not freedom of speech." The detention of the journalists had been earlier criticized by the UN Human Rights Office and other international organizations. Bolot Temirov, husband of convicted journalist Makhabat Tazhibek Kyzy and founder of the Temirov Live project, whom Kyrgyz authorities expelled from the country in 2022 and stripped of his Kyrgyz citizenship, told The Times of Central Asia that he disagreed with the court's verdict. He claimed the decision was political and that his wife was convicted only to blackmail him: “This is a punitive decision to scare journalists and our citizens. I regard (the court's verdict) as revenge against me personally.... Why were some convicted and others not? I have no idea what's going on in their heads. Based on the law, there is no single offense. There was no call for mass riots, disobedience to the authorities, or any violence against citizens." Temirov said he was especially shocked by the harsh sentence served on his wife, and the court's refusal to grant a reprieve until his 12-year-old son came of age. The Bishkek Leninsky Court ruled that the child be handed over to the guardianship authorities and transferred to an orphanage. According to Temirov, the court should have appointed him as guardian since no one had deprived him of parental rights, or alternatively,...