• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00200 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10494 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00200 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10494 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00200 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10494 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00200 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10494 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00200 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10494 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00200 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10494 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00200 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10494 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00200 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10494 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 11

Beneath the Silk Road: China’s Archaeological Diplomacy in Uzbekistan

As China’s economic footprint expands across Central Asia, Beijing is quietly pursuing another, subtler form of influence - one that reaches beneath the soil rather than above it. Alongside highways, pipelines, and industrial parks, China is investing in archaeological diplomacy that uses shared history and cultural discovery to deepen ties with its neighbors. Uzbekistan has emerged as a key partner in this effort. Beyond trade and infrastructure, the two countries are now working hand in hand to uncover the remnants of ancient civilizations that once thrived along the Silk Road. This collaboration combines science and strategy, offering a soft power approach that complements China’s growing hard power presence in the region. Across Uzbekistan’s Surkhandarya, Samarkand, Ferghana, and Khorezm regions, joint Chinese-Uzbek teams are making discoveries. One notable example is the joint Chinese-Uzbek team working at the Chinar-Tepa site in the upper Surkhandarya River valley, where researchers have uncovered more than 30 ancient house foundations along with a rich collection of cultural artifacts. Another major project has revealed the remains of an Iron Age city-state in the Surkhandarya River basin in southern Uzbekistan. These findings are the result of three excavation seasons conducted between 2024 and 2025, during which the joint team surveyed 47 sites across the basin and identified the area as a major center of ancient Bactria. This cooperation is not just confined to the field. In October 2023, Ferghana State University and Chinese partners launched a joint archaeology department. Their subsequent joint studies of the ancient city of Kuva have revealed key insights into urban planning, including city walls, moats, and roads dating back centuries. Meanwhile, China’s funding for the restoration of the ancient city of Khiva highlights another layer of cultural collaboration on the preservation of shared heritage. For both countries, archaeology is more than an academic pursuit; it's a bridge between culture, economy, and future cooperation. For Uzbekistan, cities like Samarkand, Bukhara, and Khiva are already world-renowned tourist destinations. The government’s ambition to attract up to 15 million foreign visitors underscores tourism’s growing role in national development. Unearthing new historical sites expands this potential, offering travelers a richer experience that spans both the pre-Islamic and Islamic eras. Each discovery deepens the cultural map of Uzbekistan, and each new site means more visitors, more investment, and greater economic diversification for the state. Beyond the economic dimension, the partnership with China is also cultivating a new generation of experts in archaeology and heritage preservation. Many members of these joint excavation teams belong to the post-2000 generation, young professionals who are gaining firsthand experience through collaboration. With access to cutting-edge technologies such as drone-based aerial photography, geomagnetic surveying, and 3D modeling, Uzbek archaeologists and students are learning to combine traditional excavation with modern science. Over time, this knowledge transfer strengthens the country’s human capital base, empowering Uzbekistan to pursue its own archaeological research and heritage conservation independently on a larger scale. For China, promoting joint archaeological exploration aligns closely with the Belt and Road Initiative’s vision of soft connectivity....

From Belt and Road to Backlash: Edward Lemon and Bradley Jardine Discuss China in Central Asia

As China invests billions in Central Asian oilfields, railways, and cities, the region’s response is anything but passive. In Backlash: China’s Struggle for Influence in Central Asia, Bradley Jardine and Edward Lemon document how Central Asians – from government halls to village streets – are responding to Beijing’s expanding footprint. The book provides a nuanced look at China’s engagement in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan over the three decades since these nations gained independence. Drawing on more than a decade of fieldwork, Jardine and Lemon ask a timely question: can Beijing maintain its growing influence in an environment where local voices and interests are increasingly assertive? The Times of Central Asia spoke with the authors. TCA: Central Asia has become an increasingly strategic crossroads, rich in resources, young in demographics, and positioned between major powers. Yet China’s engagement appears far more ambitious than that of Western or regional players. In your view, what accounts for this asymmetry? Is it primarily a matter of geography and financial capacity, or has China been more politically and diplomatically attuned to Central Asia’s priorities than others? J/L: China’s dominance in Central Asia stems from both geography and political attunement. As we note in Backlash, Beijing views the region as an extension of its own security frontier, as both a buffer protecting Xinjiang and a potential source of terrorism. It has built deep ties through consistent, elite-level engagement since the 1990s. Its approach blends vast financial capacity with political instincts that resonate with local elites: prioritizing sovereignty, stability, and non-interference rather than the governance conditionalities that often accompany Western aid and investment. Through the Belt and Road Initiative, which was launched in the region in 2013, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, which was established in 2001 with four Central Asian republics as founding members, and newer platforms like the China-Central Asia (C+C5) summit, China offers infrastructure, energy investment, and regime security in ways tailored to the needs of authoritarian partners. Unlike the episodic or values-driven engagement of Western actors, and with Russia’s attention increasingly divided, China’s steady, pragmatic diplomacy, backed by proximity and resources, has allowed it to entrench itself as the region’s indispensable power. TCA: China’s expanding presence across trade, infrastructure, and finance has reshaped Central Asia’s economic landscape. To what extent do these investments remain primarily commercial, and when do they start to carry political or strategic implications? How do local governments manage the risks of dependency or debt while pursuing development gains? J/L: China’s expanding economic footprint in Central Asia may be driven by trade and infrastructure, but the lines between commerce and strategy have become increasingly blurred. As we note in Backlash, Beijing’s investments, roads, pipelines, railways, and energy grids are rarely purely commercial. They create structural dependencies that bind Central Asian economies to China’s markets, finance, and technology. By 2020, roughly 45% of Kyrgyzstan’s external debt and more than half of Tajikistan’s were owed to China, while around 75% of Turkmenistan’s exports flowed to Chinese buyers. These imbalances give Beijing...

Tianjin SCO Summit Signals a Shift: China’s Long Game and the Rise of a New Power Bloc

The notion of a bipolar world, once defined by the Cold War rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union, is being reimagined. At the recent Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit in Tianjin, China, signs emerged of a new geopolitical alignment centered around the so-called “Global South.” Chinese President Xi Jinping invoked this framing during the August 31 banquet, positioning the SCO as a counterweight to what he referred to as the “collective West.” According to state news agency Xinhua, Xi expressed confidence that “with the concerted efforts of all parties, the current summit will be a complete success,” and that the SCO would play “an even more significant role” in global affairs. He framed the organization as a mechanism for uniting emerging economies in the Global South and for advancing “human civilization.” Founded in 2001 by six countries, the SCO now includes 10 full members, two observers, and 14 dialogue partners, spanning Asia, Europe, and Africa. “Bringing together major emerging market economies and developing countries such as China, Russia, and India, the SCO represents nearly half of the world’s population and a quarter of the global economy,” Xinhua noted. This framing signals that Beijing sees a new geopolitical pole coalescing around China, Russia, and India, a convergence of financial, technological, and military capacities within the SCO framework. Symbolic Alignments on Display Group photos from the summit offered a symbolic illustration of emerging alignments. In one image preceding the SCO banquet, Xi Jinping stands flanked by Russian President Vladimir Putin and Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, with other Central Asian leaders, including Shavkat Mirziyoyev (Uzbekistan), Emomali Rahmon (Tajikistan), and Sadyr Japarov (Kyrgyzstan), grouped closely behind. Another image, taken before the Council of Heads of State meeting, shows Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi positioned directly behind Tokayev, reflecting the summit’s broader geopolitical weight. Xi and Modi also met one-on-one, where they agreed to define China and India as partners rather than rivals. Xi reportedly called for both countries to “become good neighbors, good friends, and partners who contribute to each other’s success,” referring to the cooperation as a “dragon and elephant pas de deux.” Modi, in turn, employed the term “Global South” during his address to the Council of Heads of State, urging reforms to global institutions such as the United Nations. “Constraining the aspirations of the Global South within an outdated framework is a gross injustice to future generations,” he said. UN Secretary-General António Guterres, who attended the summit, was the implicit target of such reformist appeals. The presence of Tokayev, a former senior UN official, added another layer of diplomatic nuance. Some speculate that Tokayev could be put forward as a future UN Secretary-General by Global South nations. Putin’s Narrative on Ukraine In his address, Putin reiterated a narrative long promoted by the Kremlin regarding the war in Ukraine. He described the conflict not as an invasion, but as the result of a “coup d’état in Ukraine” supported by the West and claimed that NATO’s expansion posed a direct...

China Steps Into the Central Asian Power Vacuum

China’s footprint in Central Asia is growing rapidly, with the number of joint projects and strategic initiatives expanding across the region. Analysts attribute this shift to the waning influence of both Russia and the United States. Kazakhstan: From Agriculture to Atomic Energy In recent months, China has significantly deepened its cooperation with Kazakhstan. As The Times of Central Asia recently reported, on July 24, the Kazakh Ministry of Finance announced a pilot project with China involving unmanned freight trucks crossing the Bakhty (Kazakhstan) and Pokitu (China) border points. The initiative, known as "Smart Customs," will employ autonomous guided vehicles (AGVs) and implement a unified electronic customs declaration system recognized by both countries. Further institutional cooperation had earlier emerged on July 23, with the launch of the China-Central Asia Poverty Reduction Cooperation Center and the China-Central Asia Education Exchange and Cooperation Center in Urumqi, Xinjiang. These centers aim to deepen collaboration on poverty alleviation and education, priorities reaffirmed during the second China-Central Asia Summit in Astana, where 24 bilateral agreements were signed during President Xi Jinping’s visit. Meanwhile, China is asserting itself in Kazakhstan’s energy sector. On June 14, the China National Nuclear Corporation (CNNC) was announced as the leader of a consortium to build a new nuclear power plant in Kazakhstan. Although Russia's Rosatom is slated to construct the country's first nuclear plant, logistical and financial setbacks at its Akkuyu project in Turkey have led some experts to suggest that CNNC may ultimately be responsible for Kazakhstan’s inaugural facility. Meanwhile, as previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, transit routes through Russia are seeing multiple problems, with Kazakhstan temporarily suspending oil exports via the Black Sea ports of Novorossiysk and Yuzhnaya Ozerovka due to newly enforced Russian regulations. At land borders, new entry procedures for foreign citizens, including Kazakhs, have led to massive traffic jams. China’s Strategic Pivot According to sociologist Gulmira Ileuova, China's assertive role is a response to the diminishing presence of both Russia, distracted by the war in Ukraine, and the United States, which has scaled back developmental efforts. In March, President Donald Trump signed an executive order curtailing the global operations of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), leading to the suspension of several NGO and media initiatives in Central Asia. “China is rapidly filling the vacuum,” Ileuova noted in an interview with The Times of Central Asia. “Beijing is transitioning from economic engagement to ideological influence, promoting narratives of social harmony and a shared future.” Ileuova anticipates that a broad ideological campaign, comparable to the "One Belt, One Road" infrastructure initiative, may follow, amplifying China’s soft power in the region. Rather than emphasizing democratic values, Chinese cooperation projects often focus on poverty alleviation, which finds greater resonance among Central Asian populations. Xi Jinping’s Repeated Visits Signal Priority As previously stated, Chinese President Xi Jinping visited Kazakhstan on June 16 for the Second China-Central Asia Summit in Astana, during which leaders signed the Astana Declaration and a treaty on “eternal good-neighborliness.” According to political...

China Strengthens Partnerships Across Central Asia at Landmark Summit

Chinese President Xi Jinping’s visit to Astana on June 16, ahead of the Second China-Central Asia Summit, marked a significant milestone in fostering deeper partnerships between China and Central Asia. With all of the region’s nations in attendance, the summit saw agreements signed across sectors such as energy, infrastructure, agriculture, and technology, solidifying China’s growing influence in the strategically vital region. According to Kazinform, China and the Central Asian nations are poised to finalize over 35 memorandums collectively valued at more than $17 billion during the second China-Central Asia Business Council meeting in Astana on June 17. A Lavish Welcome and Key Agreements [caption id="attachment_33021" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Image: Akorda[/caption] Xi Jinping arrived in Astana amid unprecedented pomp and ceremony, including an honor guard, traditional dances, children in national costumes, and an escort of Kazakh Air Force fighter jets. This grand welcome highlighted the importance of the China-Kazakhstan partnership. During talks with Kazakh President Tokayev, the two leaders oversaw agreements spanning areas such as energy, space, agriculture, intellectual property, tourism, healthcare, science, and the digital economy. Tokayev spoke about Kazakhstan’s plans to build several nuclear power plants, including one with the involvement of China National Nuclear Corporation (CNNC). Characterizing CNNC as a “reliable strategic partner,” he also emphasized Kazakhstan’s role as a supplier of natural uranium and nuclear fuel to China. “CNNC is known worldwide for its high competence, so it will certainly occupy a worthy niche in our market,” Tokayev stated. Infrastructure development under China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) also took center stage. Plans to modernize logistics corridors, simplify customs procedures, and build new border facilities were discussed, reinforcing Kazakhstan’s role as a critical transit hub. The bilateral meeting was preceded by joint events, where business leaders from both nations signed dozens of agreements, including a $1 billion loan from the China Development Bank to the Development Bank of Kazakhstan. Another significant agreement saw Kazakhstan partnering with CNNC, Xiamen Wanli Stone, and the Satpayev Institute of Geological Sciences to explore cross-border ore belts and uranium extraction. Kazakhstan’s Role as a Regional Leader Kazakhstan has become central to China’s regional strategy, a focus reinforced during Xi Jinping’s visit, where Tokayev described China as a “close friend and reliable partner.” Kazakh Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the National Economy, Serik Zhumangarin, meanwhile, highlighted the increasing significance of cooperation in agriculture and logistics within the region. “Central Asia is a key region for the development of dryland farming in the world. Currently, the countries of the region are actively promoting and diversifying the export of organic agricultural products to the Chinese market. Camel milk from Kazakhstan, cherries from Uzbekistan, dried fruits from Tajikistan, honey from the Kyrgyz Republic, and cotton from Turkmenistan are increasingly entering the Chinese market and are highly appreciated by consumers,” he stated. Zhumangarin also stressed the critical role of transport infrastructure in facilitating connectivity. At present, over 80% of land transportation between China and Europe passes through Kazakhstan. “We are interested in further deepening cooperation within China’s...