History - The Times Of Central Asia

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Obituary

In Memory of Roza Aitmatova

Roza Aitmatova died on October 26, 2026, at the age of 89. She was the younger sister of Chingiz Aitmatov, one of the most important writers of the 20th century. With her death, Kyrgyzstan has lost an invaluable witness to its history. She succeeded in turning the tragedies endured by her family into part of her nation's collective memory. Roza was born in Moscow on March 8, 1937. She was just six months old when her father, Torekul Aitmatov, a prominent political figure who had played a role in establishing the state institutions of the young Kyrgyz Republic, was arrested during Stalin's purges. He was executed in November 1938, but his family remained unaware of his fate for decades. His wife, Nagima Abduvalieva, left alone with four children, continued to hope that her husband was still alive, somewhere in a distant Soviet labor camp. Roza grew up alongside her brothers and sister, Chingiz, Ilgiz and Lyutsiya, in an atmosphere of hardship and uncertainty. As the children of an "enemy of the people," they faced discrimination and financial difficulties. During the war, the family lived in modest homes in the Talas region, relying on the support of relatives and fellow villagers. Chingiz, the eldest child, had to take on adult responsibilities at an early age: while still a teenager, he worked as secretary of the village council. For Roza, her elder brother had been a source of support and a role model since childhood. It was Chingiz, then a young agronomist, who told the family in 1953 that they might be able to move to the capital, Frunze, now Bishkek. Before leaving, Nagima wanted to have a photograph taken with all four of her children. As Roza later recalled, this seemingly simple gesture symbolized the end of their most difficult years and the beginning of a new life. In the years that followed, Chingiz gained international recognition with works such as Jamila, The First Teacher and Mother Earth. Roza had by then devoted herself to the natural sciences, having studied physics and mathematics. She followed her brother's literary achievements closely. Yet their relationship remained, above all, a deeply personal family bond, built on intimate conversations, shared memories and boundless love for their mother. One episode recounted by Roza reveals just how closely the writer's work was connected to his family history. In 1962, following a severe deterioration in Nagima's health, Roza went into her brother's study to tidy his desk. Among the pages of a new manuscript, she discovered a dedication to their parents: to their father, whose burial place was still unknown, and to their mother, who had raised four children on her own. It was the first draft of Mother Earth, a novella in which Roza recognized many aspects of Nagima's life, her courage and her resilience. When their mother died in 1971, Roza saw her brother, by then a celebrated writer, weeping inconsolably in a hospital corridor. Behind the image of a man known throughout the world was...

Diplomatic Protest

Iranian Embassy Posts on Samarkand’s Persian Heritage Spark Uzbek Protest

Uzbekistan has lodged a diplomatic protest with Iran over social media posts describing Samarkand's architecture as part of Persian civilization. The posts targeted United States Secretary of State Marco Rubio. On October 23, Uzbekistan's First Deputy Foreign Minister Bakhromjon Aloyev met with Iranian Ambassador Mohammad Ali Eskandari, who was handed a diplomatic note of protest. Uzbekistan's Foreign Ministry described posts published by Iranian diplomatic missions on X as a one-sided and politicized interpretation of Samarkand's history. Tashkent demanded that the posts be removed and that similar incidents be avoided in the future. The dispute followed Rubio's visit to Samarkand on October 19, when he recorded a video in Registan Square highlighting the city's historical role in international trade. Iran's embassy in Armenia described the site where Rubio stood as part of Persian civilization. The embassy in Zimbabwe called Registan's arches a "hallmark of Iranian-Islamic civilization," accusing Rubio of seeking to destroy that heritage. Iran's embassy in Bulgaria also criticized Rubio for disparaging Persian civilization while standing in front of monuments bearing its influence. Earlier, during an October 7 speech in Athens, Rubio recalled the destruction of the Acropolis by the forces of Persian King Xerxes in 480 BCE. He also attacked Iran's current clerical rulers, accusing them of promoting a "cult of death." Uzbekistan's Foreign Ministry said that the heritage of Samarkand, Bukhara, Khiva, and other historic cities reflects centuries of statehood and cultural development among the Uzbek people. Tashkent objected to the use of the country's history in political disputes between other states. Samarkand has deep ties to the Persian-speaking world. Before the Arab conquest, it was one of the centers of Sogdiana, whose inhabitants spoke a language belonging to the Iranian language family. Persian later became widely used in Central Asian cities, including in literature and scholarship. In the late 14th and early 15th centuries, Samarkand was the capital of Timur's empire. Craftsmen from various regions, including Iran and the historic region of Khorasan, participated in the construction of its monumental buildings. The Registan architectural ensemble was built between the 15th and 17th centuries, combining local artistic traditions with those of the wider Islamic world. The concept of Persian civilization encompasses a cultural area much larger than modern Iran. UNESCO describes Samarkand as a crossroads of cultures, reflecting influences from successive civilizations. The Iranian embassies did not make territorial claims against Uzbekistan; their posts concerned cultural and architectural history. Samarkand's heritage has also been a subject of debate within Central Asia. During the Soviet redrawing of Central Asia's internal borders in 1924, Samarkand and Bukhara became part of the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic. Both cities historically had substantial Persian-speaking populations, and Tajik continues to be spoken there today. Historians have also documented Soviet-era pressure on Tajik residents to register as Uzbeks, contributing to longstanding disputes over the cities' ethnic composition. The dispute occurred amid increased U.S. diplomatic engagement in Central Asia. During his visit, Rubio attended a C5+1 meeting with the foreign ministers of the five Central Asian countries. The talks focused on expanding economic...

National Identity

Kazakhstan Reclaims the Golden Horde

Kazakhstan’s symposium on the Golden Horde opens, in formal institutional terms, the question of where the country locates its statehood. Held in Astana on May 19–20 under UNESCO patronage, it brought together more than 300 scholars and experts, including 120 foreign researchers from more than 20 countries. Its title was “The Golden Horde as a Model of Steppe Civilization,” with history, archaeology, culture, and identity named as focal points of inquiry. The initiative places Kazakhstan’s history outside the narrow frame of post-Soviet chronology, treating the medieval past as a problem in the formation of Central Eurasia. Kazakhstan’s turn to the Golden Horde is not a decorative appeal to the medieval past, but a claim about statehood. It seeks to place Kazakhstan’s sovereignty within older Eurasian traditions of exchange, law, political authority, and movement across the steppe. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has put the claim in explicit form. In 2024, he described Kazakhstan as a successor to the nomadic civilization of the Great Steppe and called the Ulus of Jochi, known internationally as the Golden Horde, a pinnacle of state-building in Central Eurasia. At the Astana symposium, he returned to the same line, presenting the Golden Horde as an empire connecting East and West and influencing the development of civilizations and states. The point is not identitarian but genealogical: the recovery of a statehood tradition, not the retroactive conversion of a medieval formation into the present-day republic. The Golden Horde’s significance is as a political form whose relevance lies in rule, exchange, law, and mobility: this is where steppe history becomes state history. The symposium’s official framing emphasized the political, economic, cultural, and spiritual heritage of the Ulus of Jochi. Its final resolution was more specific, identifying the Golden Horde’s role in political traditions, international trade and diplomacy, legal institutions, numismatics, craft production, and the interaction of nomadic and urban societies. The Golden Horde thereby moves out of the narrow category of conquest and into the practical grammar of political and social order: administration, circulation, law, and exchange. The inherited Russian imperial and Soviet frame did not simply neglect the Golden Horde; it organized the question from outside Kazakhstan’s own statehood. A recent study in Nationalities Papers identifies a Soviet paradigm in which the Golden Horde was treated as foreign, destructive, and external to the emergence of the Kazakh Khanate, while the Ak Orda was favored as the more acceptable predecessor. This view did not disappear with independence. Under Nursultan Nazarbayev, the Golden Horde remained comparatively marginal in official historical narrative, even as Kazakhstan celebrated the Kazakh Khanate and the broader nomadic past. Ideological categories narrowed the possible interpretations of the past. The issue today is not reinvention but reordering. Presidential declarations provide the catalyst, not the machinery. The machinery is supplied by historians, institutes, universities, and conferences. The Nationalities Papers study describes historians as memory actors helping to move the Golden Horde from contested or marginal status toward official endorsement. It also identifies a dispute between older and newer schools of...

National Identity

Kazakhstan Looks to the Golden Horde for a Deeper National Narrative

A major international symposium dedicated to the Golden Horde opened this week in Kazakhstan’s capital, underscoring the country’s growing effort to redefine its historical narrative and national identity through the legacy of the Great Steppe. The symposium, held under the patronage of UNESCO and titled “The Golden Horde as a Model of Steppe Civilization: History, Archaeology, Culture and Identity,” brought together more than 300 scholars, including 120 foreign researchers from over 20 countries. The event reflects Kazakhstan’s effort to align its national narrative with a growing body of scholarship that treats nomadic societies not as a “backward” alternative to sedentary civilizations, but as a distinct and highly sophisticated model of statehood shaped by the economic realities of the Eurasian steppe. Opening the symposium, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev declared that “no historian today questions the power of the Golden Horde, the empire that ruled the Great Steppe and occupied vast expanses of Eurasia. The empire that connected East and West and exerted a profound influence on the development of civilizations and the formation of states was unquestionably one of the largest political structures in history,” Tokayev said. [caption id="attachment_49194" align="aligncenter" width="1280"] Image: Akorda[/caption] The Legacy of the Great Steppe The Golden Horde, also known as the Ulus of Jochi, emerged from the empire created by Genghis Khan across the Eurasian steppe. The wider Eurasian steppe stretched from Eastern Europe toward Mongolia, while the Golden Horde controlled a vast western portion of that world. The region long served as home to Indo-European, Turkic and Mongol nomadic peoples. Its open geography, largely free of impassable mountain barriers, enabled the large-scale movement of herds of horses, sheep and cattle in search of pastures and water sources. It was in this region, on the territory of present-day northern Kazakhstan, that horses were first domesticated about 5,500 years ago near the settlement of Botai. The archaeological Botai culture dates back to roughly 3700-3100 BCE. The Golden Horde itself traces directly to Jochi, the eldest son of Genghis Khan, whose descendants ruled the Ulus of Jochi across a vast territory from the Irtysh to the Danube. Over time, the Ulus of Jochi was divided between Jochi’s sons into western and eastern wings known respectively as the White Horde (Ak-Orda) and the Blue Horde (Kok-Orda). By the middle of the 15th century, the Ulus of Jochi had fragmented into successor polities, including the Siberian, Uzbek, Kazan, Crimean, and Kazakh khanates, as well as the Nogai Horde. Moscow’s rise also unfolded in the shadow of this post-Horde order before it later became the core of the Russian Empire. [caption id="attachment_49193" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Image: Akorda[/caption] Between Myth and Statehood Because written sources on the Golden Horde remain fragmented, much of its legacy survived through oral traditions, epics, myths, and legends. In Kazakh tradition, for example, khans continued to be chosen from among the Chinggisids, direct descendants of Genghis Khan, and elevated on a white felt carpet during coronation ceremonies. The period also produced oral epics preserved through the tradition of the...

TCA Interviews

Identity and a New National Canon: Interview with Kazakhstan Historian Zhaxylyk Sabitov

Interest in Kazakhstan’s history is increasingly moving beyond academic circles. For many people, it has become a way to understand the country’s modern identity as well as its past. The Times of Central Asia spoke with historian Zhaxylyk Sabitov, director of the Institute for the Study of the Ulus of Jochi, about why many chapters of Kazakhstan’s history remain insufficiently studied. The Ulus of Jochi, also known as the Golden Horde, was one of the largest medieval states in Eurasia and is closely tied to debates over Kazakhstan’s statehood and historical memory. The interview also explored which topics resonate most strongly with society today and how a new understanding of national memory is taking shape. TCA: To begin, please tell us a little about yourself. How did you become interested in history, and why did you decide to work in this field? Zhaxylyk: I am the director of the Research Institute for the Study of the Jochi Ulus. My interest in history began in childhood. The problem was that in the 1980s and 1990s, history in Kazakhstan was taught rather poorly. There were few textbooks and teaching materials, and schoolchildren generally knew little about the subject. That is why I was always interested in trying to understand the past for myself. In addition, I inherited a library of history books from my grandfather. I read those books, and in the 1990s my mother helped me buy new publications. All of this gradually shaped my interest in the history of Kazakhstan. You could say I became interested in history while still at school and later continued to study it professionally. TCA: For readers who may not know much about you, how would you describe your research work and the main topics you focus on? Zhaxylyk: I have several main areas of work. The first is the history of the Golden Horde. This was the state that preceded the Kazakh Khanate and occupied a vast territory stretching from the Altai to the Danube. The second area is the history of the Kazakh Khanate. This also remains insufficiently studied. In the history of both the Golden Horde and the Kazakh Khanate, there were more than 100 khans. It is interesting to study how they interacted, where and how they ruled, and under what circumstances their rule took place. The third area is genetics, or the genetic history of Kazakh tribes and clans, as well as those of other Turkic peoples, including Kyrgyz, Karakalpaks, Nogais, and Bashkirs. This topic allows us to address questions that have been debated for two centuries. For example, there are many theories regarding the origins of certain Kazakh tribes. With the help of genetics, we are trying to understand which of these theories is closer to the truth and, more broadly, to better understand the ethnogenesis of the Kazakhs and other Turkic peoples. The fourth topic is nation-building policy and historical memory. I am interested in how the state constructs the canon of national history and how this influences...

History

How Koreans Were Deported to Central Asia: Myths and Reality

The 1937 deportation from the Soviet Far East was the greatest tragedy in the history of Soviet Koreans, Koryo-saram, the self-designation of ethnic Koreans living across the former Soviet Union. It became the first case in Soviet history in which an entire ethnic group was forcibly relocated solely on the basis of ethnicity. Later, Soviet Germans, Crimean Tatars, Chechens, Ingush, Kalmyks, Poles, Kurds, and many other peoples would endure similar repression. For decades, this history remained largely suppressed, giving rise to numerous myths and misconceptions surrounding the deportation. Yet it is inaccurate to claim that Koreans first appeared in Kazakhstan and Central Asia only in 1937. Historical and archaeological evidence points to earlier Korean ties with the region. The 1897 census of the Russian Empire recorded 42 Koreans living in Turkestan, while in 1929 a Korean agricultural cooperative called “Kazakh Rice” was established in Kazakhstan. Nevertheless, 1937 marked the beginning of the modern history of Koreans in Central Asia. Myth One: The Deportation Was a Sudden Decision One common belief is that Joseph Stalin suddenly decided to deport Koreans from the Soviet Far East as part of a campaign against Japanese espionage. Reality In fact, plans to relocate Koreans had been discussed since the late 1920s. The Politburo of the Soviet Communist Party repeatedly revisited the issue of the Korean population living in border regions. The joint decree issued by the Soviet government and Communist Party on August 21, 1937 (No. 1428-326ss), was the culmination of a long-term state policy. By the mid-1930s, the Soviet Far East was increasingly viewed as a vulnerable frontier zone. Japan had expanded its military presence in the region, and Soviet authorities feared a possible war. Koreans living in compact settlements near the border, while maintaining cultural and family ties with Korea, came to be regarded as politically unreliable. Ironically, many of them had originally fled to Russia precisely to escape Japanese colonial rule in Korea. Myth Two: The Deportation Was Entirely About Japanese Espionage Officially, Soviet authorities justified the deportation as a measure aimed at preventing Japanese espionage. Reality The espionage threat served more as a pretext than the principal cause. During the years of the Great Terror, Stalin’s regime perceived danger not only in individuals, but also in entire social and ethnic groups. Suspicion replaced evidence, and ethnic origin itself could become grounds for repression. Local officials sought to demonstrate political vigilance, while the state simultaneously pursued broader strategic and economic goals: strengthening military control in the Far East and redirecting labor resources to Kazakhstan and Central Asia, regions devastated by collectivization and famine. [caption id="attachment_48623" align="aligncenter" width="854"] Museum of the History of Russian Koreans (Koryo-saram) in Ussuriysk.[/caption] Myth Three: The Operation Was Chaotic For many deported families, the expulsion felt like a sudden catastrophe, creating the impression of disorder and improvisation. Reality At the state level, however, the operation was carefully organized. Before the deportation, party purges and political repression had already targeted the Korean intelligentsia. Soviet authorities fabricated cases involving alleged...