International Affairs - The Times Of Central Asia

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C5+1 Diplomacy

C5+1 and the Forgotten Geography of Central Asia

In modern diplomacy, Central Asia usually means five post-Soviet states: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. But how fixed are the region’s boundaries, and who gets to define them? Should Central Asia be understood as the five states that have emerged as a distinct political space? A broader historical and cultural region that includes Afghanistan, parts of Iran, western China, and Mongolia? Or an even more fluid system of economic, transportation, and strategic ties? New details about the origins of the C5+1 format involving the United States bring us back to precisely this question. Frederick Starr, one of the most consistent proponents of the Greater Central Asia concept, recently wrote that including Afghanistan was considered during early discussions of the American regional mechanism. In that case, the formula could have been C6+1. What makes this episode interesting is not that Afghanistan supposedly almost became the “sixth country of Central Asia.” More importantly, even before C5+1 was launched in 2015, there were different ways of understanding the region: political, historical and civilizational, and strategic. Those differences persist today, while closer relations with Afghanistan and Azerbaijan have once again raised questions about Central Asia’s boundaries. Political Central Asia and the C5 Politically, the definition is relatively clear. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan gradually developed from a geographical grouping into a distinct political category. C5+1 reflects precisely this logic. The joint declaration adopted in Samarkand on November 1, 2015, established regular cooperation between the United States and the five Central Asian states. Afghanistan was part of the regional agenda but was not included in the format itself. The “five plus an external partner” model has since proliferated. Germany uses the Z5+1 formula, from the German Zentralasien. Similar regional mechanisms operate with Japan, South Korea, the European Union, China, India, Russia, Italy, the Gulf Cooperation Council, and other partners. The proliferation of these formats reflects the extent to which external partners increasingly treat the C5 as a regional actor in its own right, while the five countries themselves are also increasingly acting in that capacity. But political Central Asia is not the only way to view the region. As part of UNESCO’s multivolume History of Civilizations of Central Asia project, the region was understood much more broadly. This historical and cultural space included not only the five former Soviet republics but also Afghanistan, northeastern Iran, Pakistan, northern India, western China, and Mongolia. UNESCO specifically noted that these were not rigid political boundaries but an area shaped by long-standing cultural and historical ties. This does not offer a “correct” alternative map. Rather, it shows that the region’s political, historical, and civilizational boundaries do not necessarily coincide. It was against this background that Starr proposed the concept of Greater Central Asia in 2005. This represented a third, strategic way of viewing the region. His idea was less about redrawing the geographical map than about changing American policy. In Starr’s view, the five post-Soviet republics and Afghanistan should be...

Interfaith Dialogue

Kazakhstan Interfaith Center Chair Gulsana Kozhabay: Astana Congress Must Turn Dialogue into Action

Kazakhstan wants the Astana Congress of the Leaders of World and Traditional Religions to take a more active role in conflict prevention and postwar reconciliation, including through permanent expert engagement and a possible Islamic-Jewish roundtable in Israel in 2027. In an interview with The Times of Central Asia, Gulsana Kozhabay, chair of the board of the International Center for Interfaith and Interreligious Dialogue, explains how the Congress could expand its work between its triennial gatherings while remaining politically neutral. Speaking in a personal capacity, she discusses the limits of religious diplomacy in the conflict in Gaza. She also addresses Kazakhstan’s ambition to develop its own school in this field and explains why she believes interfaith dialogue must increasingly lead to practical action rather than declarations alone. TCA: What role can Kazakhstan’s humanitarian and spiritual diplomacy play in promoting peace, and how can the International Center contribute? Kozhabay: Let us begin by explaining in simple terms what spiritual diplomacy means. In the context of this interview, we primarily understand it as religious diplomacy. It has several layers. It includes relations between different religions, dialogue within a single religion, engagement among the Abrahamic faiths, and work at local, regional and international levels. Religious leaders and organizations can work with states, international organizations and civil society, or act independently. Many researchers believe that we are living in a post-secular period. Jürgen Habermas is one of the principal theorists associated with this approach. Modernization and technological development have clearly not pushed religion to the margins. Religions continue to play an important role in society, culture, and even politics. In many countries, including the Vatican, states in the Middle East, Egypt, Israel, the United States, and Russia, religious leaders command considerable trust, exercise influence in society, and have direct access to very large audiences. Habermas’s work is widely associated with the concept of a post-secular society and the continuing place of religion in public life. Religious diplomacy cannot, of course, prevent or resolve every conflict and crisis, or replace political negotiations. Its main value lies in preserving channels of communication alongside political dialogue, or when that dialogue becomes difficult. Reducing mistrust, countering hate speech, and explaining to the public the value of peace and human life are important elements of religious diplomacy and are reflected in the Astana Peace Declaration 2025. In his ecological encyclical Laudato si’, Pope Francis wrote that religions should engage in dialogue to protect nature, defend the poor, and build networks of respect and fraternity. Kazakhstan has always supported peaceful dialogue and a constructive international agenda. This is one of our strengths. We do not claim the role of a great power and do not seek to impose our decisions on other countries. Kazakhstan acts as a middle power that can build bridges, bring different parties to the same table, and offer neutral venues for dialogue. This is also part of Kazakhstan’s soft power. Kazakhstan is trusted as a state that consistently supports dialogue at the political level and among cultures,...

Central Asia-Russia Summit

Russia Seeks to Reassert Role at Central Asia Summit, but Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan Push Their Own Agendas

The second Central Asia-Russia summit, held ahead of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) leaders’ meeting, reaffirmed the Kremlin’s continued intent to assert influence over the region. Russian President Vladimir Putin used the platform not only to signal discontent with the pace of economic integration but also to critique the Central Asian republics for what he portrayed as insufficient engagement in bilateral trade. Despite growing ties between Central Asian states and external partners, exemplified by the “C5+1” dialogue format that includes major powers such as the U.S. and China, Putin made clear that Russia does not view its influence in the region as diminished. Opening the summit, Putin took a veiled swipe at the “C5+1” initiative, which has gained traction in recent years. “I am in constant contact with each of the Central Asian presidents,” he said, before adding, “But I am sure that this multilateral format of communication is also very useful and has its obvious ‘added value’, so to speak.” By “added value,” the Russian leader appeared to suggest that multilateral engagement enables Central Asian states to present a more unified front in foreign negotiations, an approach that complicates Moscow’s ability to exert influence through bilateral channels. Putin also expressed dissatisfaction with the current levels of mutual trade and Russian investment in the region. While acknowledging that trade between Russia and Central Asia had surpassed $45 billion, he pointedly compared this figure to trade with Belarus, which exceeds $50 billion despite its far smaller population. “Our trade turnover with Belarus exceeds $50 billion. Let me remind you that Belarus has a population of 10 million. Uzbekistan already has nearly 40 million, Tajikistan over 10 million, and Kazakhstan more than 20 million. Can you imagine what a colossal resource this is?” Putin said. “This means there are strong prospects for expanding our economic relations.” Putin described Russia’s current $20 billion in regional investments as inadequate and called for increased engagement, but also tempered expectations surrounding major infrastructure and logistics projects championed by Astana and Tashkent, while positioning Russia as a central player in their development. He proposed integrating existing North-South and East-West corridors into a unified Eurasian logistics network supported by digital and transport services. “This will allow us to significantly increase international transport volumes through our common region,” Putin said. Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev responded directly, updating figures presented by Putin and reaffirming Kazakhstan’s commitment to regional integration. He noted that Russia’s total trade with Central Asia exceeded $50 billion in 2024, with $28 billion in trade between Russia and Kazakhstan alone. Tokayev emphasized the strategic importance of transport cooperation with Russia, stating that “Russia is a key gateway for the region’s countries to global markets. Therefore, cooperation in the transport and logistics sector is a matter of heightened strategic importance.” [caption id="attachment_37343" align="aligncenter" width="1600"] Image: Akorda.kz[/caption] Tokayev outlined Kazakhstan’s existing transport infrastructure, eleven international corridors, including five rail and six road routes, that carry about 85% of land freight between Asia and Europe. Over 15 years, Kazakhstan has...

Travel Ban

Travel Ban Overturned: Turkmen Woman and Her Daughter Rejoin Family in Turkey

After nearly a year of separation, Zulfiya Kazhir and her six-year-old daughter Sena have finally been allowed to leave Turkmenistan and reunite with their family in Turkey. The case drew widespread public attention after the pair, Zulfiya, a Turkmen citizen, and Sena, a Turkish citizen, were detained while attempting to leave the country in September 2024. The long-awaited reunion took place on July 15, and a video capturing the emotional moment was shared on TikTok by Zulfiya’s husband, Turkish national Ahmed Sefa Kacir. A Sudden Separation In the summer of 2024, Zulfiya traveled to Turkmenistan with Sena to renew her documents. However, their scheduled return flight on September 18 was abruptly halted when Zulfiya was denied boarding at Ashgabat airport. Authorities cited her temporary placement on a no-fly list, though no further explanation was provided at the time. Only later did Turkmenistan’s migration service inform her that she was subject to a travel ban. Despite numerous appeals to both Turkmen and Turkish authorities, the family’s efforts to lift the restriction proved unsuccessful for many months. The situation was especially dire due to Sena’s medical and developmental needs. Diagnosed with gluten intolerance and autism spectrum disorder, she requires a specific diet, regular hygiene protocols, and access to developmental therapy, services largely unavailable in Turkmenistan. Collective Punishment After nearly ten months of legal and diplomatic stalemate, Zulfiya learned that the travel ban was linked to her brother’s alleged involvement in armed conflicts in Syria. Although he had not lived in Turkmenistan for over 20 years and Zulfiya had no contact with him, her name was included on a restricted travel list alongside other relatives, a practice critics describe as a form of collective punishment. A Direct Plea to the President As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, frustrated by the lack of progress, Zulfiya recorded a video appeal to President Serdar Berdimuhamedov, calling for an end to the restriction on her freedom of movement. In the message, she identified her family as ethnic Tatars and explained that her mother and sister also hoped to leave for Tatarstan, their ancestral homeland. “Let me and my daughter return home,” she pleaded in the video, which was widely circulated online. Shortly afterward, the travel ban was lifted. On July 15, her husband posted a video from the airport showing the family’s emotional reunion, filled with hugs, tears, and relief, marking the conclusion of their nearly year-long ordeal.

CICA

CICA Headquarters Officially Inaugurated in Astana

Kazakhstan marked a milestone in its diplomatic history with the official opening of the headquarters of the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia (CICA) in Astana. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev presided over the ceremony, calling it a moment of “symbolic and strategic importance.” CICA, a multilateral forum aimed at enhancing peace, security, and cooperation across Asia, was founded on October 5, 1992, at the initiative of Kazakhstan’s first President, Nursultan Nazarbayev. He proposed the creation of a pan-Asian platform during the 47th session of the UN General Assembly. Today, CICA comprises 28 member states, with 10 additional countries and five international organizations, including the United Nations, holding observer status. Its executive body, the CICA Secretariat, is now permanently based in Kazakhstan’s capital. Speaking at the June 2025 inauguration, President Tokayev highlighted the organization’s enduring relevance amid rising global tensions. “More than three decades ago, Kazakhstan initiated the creation of the CICA, an initiative that received broad international support as a timely step towards strengthening regional stability and security,” he said. “Today, when geopolitical tensions are intensifying, the principles of trust, mutual understanding, and dialogue are becoming particularly relevant. The CICA, covering almost 90% of Asia's territory and representing more than half of the world's population, plays an important role in shaping the new architecture of international relations.” Tokayev emphasized the need for a renewed commitment to multilateralism and the rules-based international order. “Force is increasingly replacing legal principles. In these circumstances, it is particularly important that all states unconditionally adhere to international law and the UN Charter, without resorting to selective interpretation,” he stated. He also reaffirmed Kazakhstan’s domestic reform agenda and its vision for regional integration. “We are actively modernizing our transport and logistics infrastructure, railways, highways, and seaports, in cooperation with international partners. This is critically important both for domestic growth and for ensuring the sustainability of regional supply chains,” he noted. Digital transformation was another focal point of Tokayev’s address. “We are striving to build a digital state in which AI will be a driver of innovation, growth, and digital sovereignty. Kazakhstan is forming a sustainable, environmentally responsible economy integrated into global value chains,” he said. The broader geopolitical climate, including ongoing instability in the Middle East, has further highlighted the need for cooperative mechanisms like CICA. As The Times of Central Asia previously reported, the escalating conflict between Iran and Israel, both CICA members, risks disrupting vital trade and transport routes in Central Asia’s southern corridor. The opening of CICA’s headquarters thus reinforces Kazakhstan’s longstanding ambition to serve as a platform for dialogue and diplomacy in an increasingly polarized world.

CAMCA

From Eurasia to Greater Central Asia: A Region Reclaims Its Voice

At its most basic, Eurasia refers to the combined landmass of Europe and Asia, stretching from the Atlantic Ocean in the west to the Pacific in the east, and from the Arctic in the north to South and Southeast Asia in the south. Yet when defined in political or economic terms, the concept becomes more complex. This vast region—covering over 36% of the world’s surface area—includes influential Western institutions in the west, such as the European Union and the Council of Europe. In contrast, the east is shaped by post-Soviet and Sino-Russian groupings, including the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). In policy circles, the term "Eurasia" often refers more narrowly to the Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia) and Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Mongolia, and Afghanistan). Yet countries in these regions rarely lead the institutions that shape their future. Instead, most regional organizations are dominated by larger powers, primarily Russia and China. One partial exception is the Organization of Turkic States (OTS), though it excludes non-Turkic members such as Tajikistan, Georgia, and Armenia. Many external actors—beginning with Japan's "Central Asia plus Japan" initiative in 2001—have formed dialogue platforms with the five post-Soviet Central Asian republics, often referred to collectively as the "C5." More recently, Turkey, China, the EU, and others have created similar frameworks. While these engagements have value, they are usually shaped by external agendas. The fundamental issue remains: Central Asia lacks strong, self-directed institutions of its own. In response to this institutional vacuum, Professor S. Frederick Starr proposed in 2015 a broader regional framing: Greater Central Asia. He called for moving beyond the Soviet-era definition of Central Asia to include neighboring regions with shared historical, cultural, and strategic ties. He also noted a stark reality: Greater Central Asia is the only region of its kind without its own exclusive institutions—ones not directed by outsiders. That may be starting to change. A more distinct regional identity is emerging, with new frameworks for cooperation gradually taking shape. As countries in the region increasingly define their own development priorities and diversify partnerships beyond Moscow and Beijing, there is growing momentum for a more autonomous and inclusive model of regional integration. One of the clearest examples is CAMCA—an initiative that reflects the full geographic and political scope of Greater Central Asia. Over the past decade, the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute (CACI), founded by Professor Starr, has worked with the Rumsfeld Foundation to support a new generation of regional leaders through the CAMCA Fellowship Program. Originally conceived by alumni of a joint initiative between Starr and former U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld more than fifteen years ago, the CAMCA Network has become one of the few institutions uniting the entire Greater Central Asia region. Each year, the fellowship culminates in a regional forum hosted by a different CAMCA country. The most recent—held last week in Ulaanbaatar—marked the 11th such gathering and the second time the event has been hosted by CAMCA...