Kyrgyzstan Snap Election: Democracy on Edge or Politics as Usual?
On September 25, Kyrgyzstan’s parliament voted to dissolve itself, clearing the way for snap elections. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, deputies approved the dissolution by an 84–0 vote, with five abstentions and one absence. The election will now take place on November 30, under revised electoral rules. The new system divides the country into 30 constituencies, each of which elects three deputies, at least one of whom must be a woman. Lawmakers justified the move by pointing to the costs and logistical burdens of overlapping parliamentary and presidential campaigns, arguing that holding parliamentary elections a year early would streamline preparations and reduce the administrative strain. Critics, however, have suggested the real motivation is political, noting that pro-government blocs stand to benefit from locking in deputies under the new majoritarian system by mobilizing local administrative resources, especially after years of pressure on opposition groups and independent media. “Regarding the early elections, I fully support this decision,” Eldar Turatbek, founder of the Legalize political party, told The Times of Central Asia. “There is no point in waiting another year until the end of the 7th convocation’s term, especially when you consider that after the 2020 revolution, most deputies spent a year in temporary status anyway. In essence, they have already ‘worked off’ their five-year term.” Japarov’s Centralization of Power The dissolution also fits into a broader cycle of political reshuffles across the region. Both Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan have undergone rapid personnel and institutional changes in recent months, with Bishkek’s early vote reflecting President Sadyr Japarov’s emphasis on electoral timing, and, analysts argue, designs to cement his grip on power. The step arrives in a political environment that has grown markedly more centralized since Japarov’s rise during the turmoil of 2020. New restrictions on online media and internet traffic have narrowed the space for civil society, measures the government frames as necessary to restore order and promote national values. Rights advocates, however, warn of democratic backsliding in a country once seen as the most pluralistic in Central Asia. Opposition journalist Bolot Temirov offered a blunt assessment as to the reasons why the authorities are holding early parliamentary elections. “In recent years, the president’s entourage and the head of the State Committee for National Security have acquired money, and now want to show off their deputy badges,” he told TCA. “Kamchybek Tashiyev will try to get as many of his people into parliament as possible to strengthen his position in the confrontation with Sadyr Japarov and his team. Mandates have long since become a commodity, and parliamentary seats are for sale.” International IDEA has recorded a decline in civil liberties and checks on executive authority under the current administration, and Kyrgyzstan’s trajectory makes this moment especially significant. The country has experienced three revolutions since independence - in 2005, 2010, and 2020 - each triggered by discontent over corruption, contested elections, and concentrated presidential power. These upheavals reshaped institutions but also entrenched a cycle of volatility that continues to cast a...
