• KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10633 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10633 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10633 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10633 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10633 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10633 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10633 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10633 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 19

Swiss Court Suspends Karimova Case as Asset Questions Remain

A Swiss court has suspended part of a money laundering case involving Gulnara Karimova after she failed to appear at trial. Judges at the Federal Criminal Court in Bellinzona said they had taken all possible steps to secure Karimova’s participation in the proceedings. This included a visit to Uzbekistan in August 2024, when court representatives met with the country’s Supreme Court to discuss options for her involvement. However, those efforts did not succeed, and in January 2026, Uzbekistan’s authorities formally declined the request. As a result, the court ruled that proceedings against Karimova could not continue in her absence. The same decision was applied to her co-defendant, described by prosecutors as a close associate. In this case, judges identified a separate legal obstacle preventing the trial from moving forward. Karimova’s lawyer, Grégoire Mangeat, described the dismissal more strongly, telling Reuters that the decision “amounts to an acquittal under Swiss law.” The court’s reasoning, however, was procedural: judges found a lasting obstacle to continuing the case because Karimova cannot attend, and no judgment is likely before the statute of limitations expires. According to the court, the co-defendant—an Uzbek national believed to be living in exile in Russia—cannot travel to Switzerland due to outstanding international arrest warrants. While it would theoretically be possible for him to travel from Russia, the absence of direct flights between the two countries since 2022 and the risk of detention in a third country make his participation unlikely. Judges also noted that the statute of limitations for the charges against him is set to expire in June 2027, making it effectively impossible for him to attend court before that deadline. This was described as a “permanent obstacle” to continuing proceedings against him. Despite these developments, the overall case remains open. The court confirmed that the main proceedings will continue against a former asset manager at Lombard Odier, as well as against the bank itself. Judges said there were no barriers to continuing this part of the trial and moved forward with preliminary hearings. The case, which has been under investigation for more than a decade, centers on allegations of money laundering and financial misconduct linked to a broader corruption network. While parts of the proceedings have now been suspended, key questions remain unresolved. Among them is the issue of assets allegedly connected to Karimova. The court stated that the possible confiscation of these funds will still be examined as part of the ongoing trial. The unresolved asset question is tied to a fall that has stretched across more than a decade. Once a high-profile public figure, Karimova built a vast business empire, pursued a career in fashion, and even dabbled in pop music under the name “Googoosha.” A former UN envoy and self-styled “Princess of Uzbekistan,” Karimova projected an image of glamour and influence that later collapsed under the weight of corruption cases in Uzbekistan and abroad. A leaked U.S. diplomatic cable offered a much darker portrait, describing her as “a robber baron” and “the single most...

Japarov, Tashiyev, and the Kompromat War

Kyrgyzstan has seen three revolutions since 2005. It has been a politically active country since becoming independent in late 1991, when the Soviet Union collapsed. But since the current President Sadyr Japarov came to power after the 2020 revolution, he and his long-time friend and security chief, Kamchybek Tashiyev, have stifled expressions of public discontent. For the last five years, Kyrgyzstan’s political scene has been uncharacteristically quiet. But events since Japarov sacked Tashiyev on February 10 have raised speculation that a fierce political battle between the two powerful men now looms ahead for the country. Japarov has already fired the first shots. Accusations of corruption against Tashiyev and his family have led to arrests. But two can play at that game, and the former security likely has compromising information about Japarov and his family. “You Can't Cook Two Sheep's Heads in One Cauldron” The February 10 announcement of Tashiyev’s firing was arguably Kyrgyzstan’s biggest political shock since the October 2020 revolution that saw Japarov go from a prison cell to simultaneously occupying the posts of prime minister and president within ten days. The two had been friends for decades, they started their political careers about the same time, and both quickly rose through the ranks of government during the presidency of Kurmanbek Bakiyev, who was ousted in the 2010 revolution. The day after he was confirmed as president, Japarov appointed Tashiyev to be head of the State Committee for National Security (GKNB). The day before Tashiyev was sacked, a group of 75 prominent figures, who included former government officials, released an open letter to President Japarov and the speaker of parliament calling for an early presidential election. The group pointed to the discrepancy over whether Japarov was serving the six-year presidential term mandated in the 2010 constitution or the five-year term stipulated in the constitution adopted in April 2021, three months after the snap presidential election that Japarov won. It quickly became apparent that Tashiyev’s dismissal and the letter were connected. The same day Tashiyev was fired, so were several top GKNB officials, with the sacking of officials said to be close to Tashiyev continuing for days. Japarov’s spokesman said it was necessary to “prevent a split in society.” However, Japarov has avoided any detailed explanation of the reasons for the many changes and repeatedly described Tashiyev as a friend. Member of Parliament Elvira Surabaldiyeva, in an April 24 interview with a Kazakh journalist, said Tashiyev was dismissed because he was planning a coup and had been preparing it for a long time. “The president is going through a very difficult time right now, because his longtime friend tried to remove him from office,” Surabaldiyeva said, and added, “There's a saying: ‘You can't cook two sheep's heads in one cauldron.’ This seems to be exactly the case.” Kompromat Tashiyev was out of Kyrgyzstan when the news broke that he had been fired. He briefly returned on February 13, leaving again on February 17. He returned on March 19 and the...

Montenegro Will Not Extradite NeMolchi Founder to Kazakhstan

The authorities in Montenegro have decided that the director of Kazakhstan’s NeMolchi.kz (Don’t be silent) foundation, Dina Smailova (Tansari), will not be deported to Kazakhstan, where she faces charges of knowingly disseminating false information, violation of privacy, and fraud. Smailova’s Legal Battles and Exile Since 2017, Smailova has faced a plethora of criminal cases. In 2021, she left Kazakhstan and relocated to Georgia. After she departed, Almaty police launched new inquiries against her. In June 2022, Smailova said that these investigations were opened “because I criticize the activities of the Almaty police, because I demand the resignation of the leadership, because I do not recognize the police who torture our people in their dungeons!” In early 2024, Smailova left Georgia and requested asylum in the European Union, and in April of that year, she was detained in Montenegro based on an Interpol warrant from Kazakhstan’s Interior Ministry. Kazakhstan and Montenegro do not have an extradition agreement, so Montenegrin officials needed time to consider the Kazakh authorities’ request to repatriate Smailova to Kazakhstan. Smailova was therefore quickly freed from custody but remained in Montenegro, and in July, she and her husband, Almat Mukhamedzhanov, were granted international protection status in the country, signaling that she was unlikely to be extradited. On September 4, Montenegro’s Supreme Court ruled to deny Kazakhstan’s request for her extradition, and on September 12, Smailova wrote on Facebook that the decision had come into force. NeMolchi.kz is an organization that defends the rights of women and children in Kazakhstan and reports on incidents of domestic violence, a problem that has become more visible in the country in recent years. Violence against women has become a priority issue for the Kazakh government, especially since the high-profile murder of a young woman named Saltanat Nukenova in 2023. The Nukenova Case and Public Outcry Saltanat Nukenova was killed in an Astana restaurant by her husband, Kuandyk Bishimbayev, a former Kazakh Minister of National Economy. Bishimbayev was convicted of taking bribes and, in March 2018, was sentenced to ten years in prison. His term was later reduced to four years, and he was eventually released early in December 2020. On November 9, 2023, Bishimbayev and Nukenova went to an Astana restaurant where they had a private room reserved. Bishimbayev and Nukenova quarreled, following which Bishimbayev severely beat his wife, then waited several hours while she lay dying from head injuries he inflicted on her before calling for medical help. Later that same month, it was reported that the police in East Kazakhstan Province had started investigating Smailova for fraud. Police questioned “hundreds” of people who had donated to NeMolchi.kz, on the suspicion that Smailova had used some of the donated money for personal purchases. Before the end of 2023, formal charges were lodged against Smailova, and Kazakhstan put out an international warrant for her arrest. Bishimbayev’s trial was televised and drew a huge audience in Kazakhstan. He was found guilty and sentenced to 24 years in prison. The details of the beating of...

Embezzlement Scandal at Kazakh Charity Fund Implicates Influential Officials

A high-profile scandal is unfolding in Kazakhstan involving the alleged embezzlement of billions of tenge from the Biz Birgemiz Qazaqstan (“We Are Together”) charity fund. Testimony from the fund’s embattled director, Perizat Kairat, alongside ongoing press investigations, has implicated several prominent officials. The Rise and Fall of Perizat Kairat Charitable giving in Kazakhstan remains underdeveloped, with many humanitarian organizations struggling to secure adequate funding. The Biz Birgemiz Qazaqstan fund, however, stood out. Backed by donations from large banks, business leaders, and individuals, it quickly amassed substantial sums. Established in June 2021, the fund came under scrutiny after Kairat’s arrest in November 2024. She was initially charged with embezzling more than KZT 1.5 billion ($2.8 million) raised during the spring 2024 floods, the worst to hit Kazakhstan in 80 years, affecting twelve regions and leaving thousands homeless. Subsequent investigations raised the alleged embezzled amount to KZT 2.9 billion ($5.4 million). The authorities claim Kairat and her mother, Gaini Alashbaeva, used the funds to purchase luxury real estate, vehicles, designer goods, and pay for lavish travel. Funds collected for humanitarian aid to Gaza residents were also reportedly misappropriated. Additional allegations include collecting over KZT 105 million ($200,000) for festivals such as Central Asia Fest and Almaty Uni, which were never held, and for a rehabilitation center, which was never built. Support for the fund was boosted by advertising through Kazakhstan’s largest financial platform, Kaspi.kz, which promoted it within its mobile app. During court proceedings, Kaspi.kz confirmed transferring KZT 620 million ($1.2 million) to the fund. Another major contributor, Jusan Bank (now Alatau City Bank), reportedly also donated KZT 300 million ($560,000). Misplaced Trust Public trust in the fund was bolstered by the widespread belief that it was affiliated with the state. For instance, an elderly woman from Pavlodar testified that she donated KZT 1 million, believing it was a government initiative. Parents from Nazarbayev Intellectual Schools (NIS) who transferred KZT 901,000 are now demanding its return to assist a seriously ill teacher. Witnesses claim Kairat collected cash through intermediaries using large market-style bags. Political Connections and Allegations Perizat Kairat’s defense has drawn high-level political figures into the spotlight. On July 14, she requested the court summon Bauyrzhan Baybek, former mayor of Almaty and ex-first deputy chairman of the ruling Amanat Party (formerly Nur Otan), for questioning. Kairat alleges that the fund was “created under the leadership of Baybek,” claiming all its founders, except herself, were current or former party employees. Amanat, Kazakhstan’s dominant political party, has publicly denied any connection to Kairat or the foundation. Though President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev resigned from the party leadership in April 2022, Amanat remains politically influential and retains close ties to many government officials. Kazakh outlet Orda.kz examined Kairat’s social media to explore potential links between the fund and state institutions. It found the foundation's founders had associations with the BizBirgemiz volunteer movement, launched during the COVID-19 pandemic under a state initiative of the same name. Just a month after its registration, the foundation hosted a charity...

“Be a Man”: Bishkek Vice Mayor Detained in Public Showdown

The Vice Mayor of Bishkek, Zhamalbek Yrsaliev, has been detained during a public meeting in the Tunguch neighborhood, presided over by Kamchybek Tashiyev, the controversial Chairman of Kyrgyzstan’s State Committee for National Security (GKNB). Residents at the July 16 meeting accused Yrsaliev of illegally occupying a 1,500 m² municipal land plot where unauthorized commercial kiosks and children's attractions had been operating for six years without any lease payments. According to Economist.kg, this misuse cost the city budget over 2.9 million Kyrgyz som ($33,160), and stalled the planned development of a public square and playground. During the meeting, Tashiyev confronted Yrsaliev directly. In a moment caught on video, he told the vice mayor to take responsibility for his actions and “Be a man,” ordering the security services to detain him immediately. Officers escorted Yrsaliev from the event to the GKNB headquarters. According to Sputnik Kyrgyzstan, Yrsaliev admitted responsibility and apologized, but Tashiyev continued to reprimand him, telling Yrsaliev, “You will not deceive the people.” The investigation is ongoing. The charges against Yrsaliev include abuse of office and corruption. Alongside him, officials from the Lenin and Oktyabr district administrations were also detained during the same operation, according to preliminary reports. Appointed as vice mayor in May 2024, Yrsaliev previously served as vice-mayor of Bishkek for housing and communal services, and akim of the Pervomaisky district. The arrest marks another chapter in Kyrgyzstan’s sweeping anti-corruption campaign under President Sadyr Japarov. In January 2023, former Deputy Prime Minister Zhenish Razakov was detained on suspicion of a $1 million fraud and abuse of office, and in December 2024, the authorities arrested the head of the state tax service and his deputy. While Yrsaliev’s detention has been officially framed as part of an anti-corruption effort, it unfolds within a broader political climate in Kyrgyzstan marked by increasing executive consolidation and the expanded role of the GKNB in domestic affairs. Independent watchdogs, including Freedom House, have noted a rise in politically motivated prosecutions and diminished judicial independence in recent years, raising concerns that cases such as this may serve not only legal but also political purposes. Further updates are expected as the investigation continues.

Tackling Corruption in Kazakhstan: The Latest Trends

As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, anti-corruption efforts are a cornerstone of President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s agenda. Court-ordered funds confiscated from corrupt officials have been used to finance public infrastructure: over the past three years, 150 billion tenge have been allocated to build 89 schools. On June 30, Tokayev signed a decree dissolving the country’s standalone Anti-Corruption Agency and transferring its functions to the National Security Committee (NSC), in what officials described as a move to modernize and streamline public administration. A recent analysis by Ranking.kz sheds light on the latest trends, identifying the institutions most often entangled in scandals and criminal investigations. Corruption Reaches Across All Levels Between January and May 2025, the Kazakh authorities charged 640 individuals with corruption-related offenses, representing a 3% decrease compared to the same period in 2024. However, the number of identified offenders rose to 464, up 4.3% from 445 last year. During the same period, 405 individuals were referred to the courts, an increase of 9.2% year-on-year. The largest number of defendants were employees of Akimats and their subordinate departments, totaling 66 individuals, though this figure is one-third lower than in 2024. In addition, 49 police officers, 16 employees from the Ministry of Finance, 11 from the Ministry of Agriculture, and 7 from the Criminal Executive Committee under the Ministry of Internal Affairs were brought to court. Notably, three regional akims were among those referred to court this year, compared to just one in the same period last year. One judge was also prosecuted. In total, 57 individuals from 12 different ministries faced judicial proceedings, up slightly from 54 last year. However, the data does not encompass all divisions; for instance, the figures for the Ministry of Internal Affairs include only selected departments. Bribery Remains the Most Common Offense Bribery continues to be the most prevalent form of corruption, with 167 recorded cases in the first five months of 2025, a 27.5% increase from the previous year. Internal affairs personnel were the most frequently detained for bribery (22 cases), followed by local government officials (13 cases) and employees of the Ministry of Finance (9 cases). In terms of the number of individuals involved, bribery accounted for 99 people. Corruption-related fraud followed, with 71 cases documented, rounding out the top three categories of offenses. Kazakhstan in Global Perspective Kazakhstan ranked 88th out of 180 countries in the 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index published by Transparency International, scoring 40 out of 100. This position is shared with North Macedonia, Suriname, and Vietnam. The index, based on assessments from organizations such as the World Bank and the World Economic Forum, ranks countries from 0 (most corrupt) to 100 (least corrupt). According to the same report, 17% of Kazakhstani citizens who accessed public services in the previous year admitted to paying bribes. By way of comparison, in Denmark and Finland, the top-ranked countries, only 1% of citizens reported such experiences. Within the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), Kazakhstan ranks third, behind Armenia (63rd) and Moldova (77th)....