U.S.-Uzbekistan Relations - The Times Of Central Asia

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 15

U.S.-Uzbekistan Relations

Uzbekistan’s U.S. Package: What Supports the $12 Billion Figure?

Uzbekistan announced a package of 54 agreements and prospective initiatives that it valued at about $12 billion during U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s visit to Samarkand on October 19. The Ministry of Investment, Industry and Trade lists engine supplies from GE Aerospace for new Uzbekistan Airways aircraft as part of the package. The investment ministry makes that value conditional on implementation. The presidency’s account says a comprehensive implementation program will be developed for the agreements and initiatives. October’s $12 billion may include projects still awaiting finance or development, but the values assigned to them must have an identifiable basis in project estimates or specific transactions. The official announcements identify counterparties and sectors, but the evidence examined does not provide the individual values needed to reconstruct the $12 billion total. Earlier Announcements and Additional Value In November 2025, Donald Trump announced that Uzbekistan would undertake roughly $35 billion in purchases and investment in American sectors over the following three years. The stated total did not separate the amounts assigned to purchases and investment. Uzbekistani purchases from American suppliers and investment in American sectors cannot be counted as an equivalent inflow of U.S. capital into Uzbekistan. Purchasing American equipment and receiving American investment give Uzbekistani participants different roles in the financing and implementation of projects. In September 2026, Investment Minister Laziz Kudratov said projects worth $7 billion had already been completed within a $35 billion portfolio. UzDaily described the figure as one-fifth of the value of the previous year’s agreements, without identifying the completed projects or defining completion. A transaction-level account would show what equipment was delivered, which facilities were commissioned, and what contract payments were made, giving the value and completion date of each transaction. October’s $12 billion cannot be added to the earlier figures without reconciling the transactions included in each package and the values assigned to them. The matching $35 billion figures do not establish that Kudratov and Trump referred to the same transaction list. An October agreement could introduce a fresh transaction or add obligations within an existing project, but it could also cover work already reflected in an earlier valuation. A company’s reappearance in successive announcements does not establish which relationship applies. What the Agreements Establish American Resources Corporation and ReElement Technologies announced an October 19 agreement with Uzbekistan Technological Metals Complex and the Fund for Reconstruction and Development, advancing their November 2025 memorandum. ReElement’s release describes a further stage of technical and commercial work under an existing partnership, but it provides no valuation showing how that work contributes to the $12 billion total. The companies report successful processing of Uzbek-sourced tungsten into high-purity oxide. The planned demonstration at ReElement’s U.S. facilities is intended to evaluate commercial viability, processing efficiency, and scalability; preliminary engineering and economic modeling concern possible refining operations in Uzbekistan. In the financial sector, the investment ministry describes Franklin Templeton, Oppenheimer, Citigroup, and BlackRock as helping to attract capital, but does not explain whether or how these arrangements contribute to the $12 billion...

Nuclear Energy

U.S. Promotes Small Nuclear Reactors in Uzbekistan

The United States is promoting small modular nuclear reactors in Uzbekistan as Tashkent develops its nuclear power sector with Russia. Secretary of State Marco Rubio promoted the technology during his October 19 visit to Samarkand, linking it to rising energy demand. “We’re introducing U.S. small modular reactors and modernizing the Uzbek electric grid and gas distribution network,” Rubio told the U.S.-Uzbekistan Business and Investment Council. He said the cooperation would help the government keep pace with growing energy demand. Rubio did not name a reactor supplier or announce financing or a construction schedule for an American plant. Uzbekistan’s interest predates Rubio’s visit. In November 2025, the country expressed interest in studying designs from Holtec, GE Hitachi, and NuScale, according to the World Nuclear Association. Tashkent has pursued those discussions alongside its current nuclear partnership with Russia. Small modular reactors generally have an electrical capacity of up to 300 megawatts per unit, according to the International Atomic Energy Agency. Factories can manufacture their components and assemble them on site. Utilities can add smaller units in stages as demand increases. For Uzbekistan, nuclear power forms part of an effort to expand electricity supply as domestic gas production declines. Once a net gas exporter, the country became a net importer in 2023. Gas output fell 16.3% year-on-year in January-August 2026, increasing pressure on supplies. The World Nuclear Association puts natural gas at 76% of Uzbekistan’s electricity output in 2023. Reducing the amount burned in power stations could ease import needs and leave more available for industry, including petrochemicals. Russia’s state nuclear corporation Rosatom is developing Uzbekistan’s first nuclear complex in the Forish district of the Jizzakh region. The design combines two large Russian VVER-1000 reactors with two smaller RITM-200N units, providing about 2.1 gigawatts of capacity. The smaller reactors are each rated at 55 megawatts. Presidents Shavkat Mirziyoyev and Vladimir Putin launched the project by video link in June, accompanied by a concrete pouring ceremony. The development has expanded substantially since the countries agreed in 2024 to build a plant consisting of six small reactors. The published schedule envisages a technical launch of the first small unit in late 2029, with the larger units following in the 2030s. Nuclear generation is therefore several years away. Uzbekistan must also improve the networks that deliver electricity to homes and businesses. Following a nationwide referendum on the issue, Kazakhstan is also investing in nuclear power. Its planned Balkhash plant, near Ulken on Lake Balkhash, will use Russian technology. A nuclear agreement signed in May envisages two VVER-1200 reactors with a combined capacity of about 2.4 gigawatts. Kazakhstan’s Atomic Energy Agency put the project’s cost at approximately $16.5 billion, including security and supporting infrastructure. Kazakhstan’s strategy calls for at least three nuclear power plants by 2050. China National Nuclear Corporation has been selected to lead the second project. The country is the world’s largest uranium producer, but developing power stations also requires foreign reactor technology and expertise. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan have begun cooperating on nuclear safety. Officials...

Language Politics

Rubio’s Remarks Reignite Debate on Russian Language in Uzbekistan

A brief exchange between United States Secretary of State Marco Rubio and a Bloomberg journalist in Samarkand has revived debate over the status of the Russian language in Uzbekistan. Speaking to reporters at Registan Square on October 19, Rubio asked Bloomberg correspondent Eric Martin whether he spoke Uzbek. Martin replied that he spoke Russian fluently. "Oh, okay. That's no longer the official language here, but it's good. A lot of people speak it. I understand," Rubio said. The exchange circulated on Uzbek social media, with some foreign outlets identifying Rubio's interlocutor as a local journalist. However, a Daryo correspondent at the event reported that Rubio was speaking to Martin. Russian remains widely used in Uzbekistan in business, education, the media, and everyday communication, particularly in major cities. Uzbek is the country's only state language. Unlike Kazakhstan, where Russian is officially used alongside Kazakh in state institutions, Uzbekistan does not grant Russian equivalent legal status. A similar controversy emerged in April 2025 after Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov visited Samarkand’s Grieving Mother memorial, dedicated to those who died in World War II. "There is an inscription in English, but I didn't see one in Russian. A mother is the most sacred figure," Lavrov remarked in the presence of Uzbekistan's Foreign Minister Bakhtiyor Saidov. Lavrov's comments drew criticism from Uzbek public figures, who viewed them as interference in the language policy of an independent state. Lavrov was questioning the absence of Russian at a public memorial, while Rubio was speaking informally with a foreign journalist. There is no indication from the exchange that Rubio intended to make a formal statement about Uzbekistan's language policy. During the summit of U.S. and Central Asian leaders at the White House in November 2025, Uzbekistan's President Shavkat Mirziyoyev addressed U.S. President Donald Trump in Russian, speaking through an interpreter. Russian was widely used in government administration and higher education across the Soviet Union. Rubio's exchange came two days before Uzbek Language Day, observed on October 21. On that date in 1989, legislation was adopted granting Uzbek the status of state language. In 2020, a separate law formally established the date as an official holiday.

C5+1

Uzbekistan Announces $12 Billion in Agreements During Marco Rubio’s Visit

Uzbekistan has announced 54 agreements covering trade, investment, and technological cooperation during U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s visit to Samarkand. The agreements are worth a total of $12 billion, according to Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Investment, Industry and Trade. The agreements were announced at the second meeting of the Uzbekistan–U.S. Business and Investment Council on October 19. Rubio also met President Shavkat Mirziyoyev that day. The ministry said the agreements cover transport and energy infrastructure, critical minerals, finance, digital technologies, agriculture, healthcare, and education. Rubio’s visit coincided with a C5+1 ministerial meeting, bringing together the United States and the five Central Asian countries. The Uzbek ministry stated that more than 400 business representatives participated in the program, including over 100 from the United States, 100 from other Central Asian countries, and 200 from Uzbekistan. It did not specify how much of the announced $12 billion has secured financing and how much remains at the planning stage. Several international companies were named in the agreements announced during the visit. According to the announced arrangements, cooperation with Wabtec is focused on localizing the production of railway equipment and components. Agreements involving ReElement Technologies, Traxys, and Trafigura cover mineral exploration, development, technological cooperation, and supplies. Other announced projects involve satellite communications with Amazon Leo, medical technologies with GE HealthCare, and agricultural efficiency with Valmont Industries. Speaking to reporters in Samarkand on October 19, Rubio said the visit was expected to produce concrete commercial results. “I think we’ll have some concrete deals to announce, meaning companies that are going to be doing business here that are being welcomed here and that are excited about doing business here,” Rubio said. He emphasized that the agreements should be viewed as the beginning of a broader economic relationship. “I also think that’s just the foundation that we intend to build on. We want to do more. This is not the end. This is the beginning,” he said. In their joint statement, the C5+1 governments supported expanding mineral processing and higher-value production within Central Asia. They also backed further development of the Trans-Caspian Trade Route and closer regional economic integration. The visit also marked the launch of the Enhanced Strategic Partnership Dialogue and Uzbekistan’s signing of the Artemis Accords on peaceful space exploration. From Investment Announcements to Projects In an interview with The Times of Central Asia (TCA), political analyst Abduvali Soyibnazarov described Rubio’s visit and the C5+1 meeting as a potentially important stage in Washington’s relations with Central Asia. Recalling the first C5+1 ministerial meeting, attended by then-U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry in Samarkand in November 2015, Soyibnazarov said the agenda has changed considerably over the past decade, with investment, critical minerals, advanced technologies, and new trade routes moving to the forefront. The analyst argued that Uzbekistan’s main measure of success should not be the number of memorandums signed, but how many projects ultimately secure financing and move forward. Uzbekistan’s investment minister, Laziz Kudratov, put the country’s portfolio of commercial agreements with the United States at...

U.S.-Central Asia Engagement

Central Asia Looks to a Possible Trump Visit

U.S. President Donald Trump has expressed an interest in visiting Uzbekistan, according to one of his special envoys, raising the possibility that Central Asia could eventually receive its first visit by a sitting American president. Paolo Zampolli, Trump’s Special Envoy for Global Partnerships and long-time Trump associate, made the comment in an interview with Uzbekistan 24 while visiting the country. “I know that he wants to come to Uzbekistan,” Zampolli said, adding that Trump had personally told him he wanted to make the trip. Zampolli said he was encouraging the idea, but gave no timetable, and there has been no announcement that a visit is being scheduled. Trump had already publicly indicated that he may visit Kazakhstan. Asked during the November 2025 C5+1 summit if he might become the first U.S. president to visit the country, Trump replied, “I think it’s very possible that we’ll do that.” The comments come as U.S. engagement with Central Asia is accelerating. Trump hosted all five Central Asian presidents at the White House in November 2025. Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has invited him to Kazakhstan, while Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev has also invited him to Uzbekistan. Meanwhile, Secretary of State Marco Rubio is reported to be planning a mid-October visit to Samarkand for a C5+1 ministerial, with a delegation expected to include representatives of more than 100 U.S. companies. Sergio Gor, Trump’s Special Envoy for South and Central Asia, has also been involved in Washington’s engagement across the region. In Uzbekistan, he co-chairs the American-Uzbek Business and Investment Council with Saida Mirziyoyeva, head of the presidential administration. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan bring different economic and strategic profiles to Washington’s expanding engagement with Central Asia. Why Kazakhstan Matters Kazakhstan is Central Asia’s largest economy. Its GDP reached about $306 billion in 2025, accounting for more than half of the combined economy of the five Central Asian states. Its share of accumulated foreign investment is even larger, with Kazakhstan holding roughly two-thirds of the region’s inward FDI stock, according to The Times of Central Asia’s Central Asia Balance Sheet. Its strategic importance extends beyond those measures. Kazakhstan produces close to 40% of the world’s uranium and is a major oil producer and exporter, supplying primarily European markets. It also holds substantial critical mineral resources and occupies a central position on the Middle Corridor connecting China and Europe. Recent U.S.-Kazakh commercial agreements include several large transactions. Wabtec has a $4.2 billion locomotive agreement, while Tau-Ken Samruk and Cove Capital have signed transaction documents for at least $1.1 billion in tungsten development. Other agreements cover agricultural machinery, air-traffic management, and additional Boeing aircraft. Kazakhstan also has a distinct diplomatic role in Trump’s engagement with the Muslim world. In November 2025, Kazakhstan joined the Abraham Accords, becoming the first Central Asian and first non-Arab Muslim-majority country to join the framework. Why Uzbekistan Matters With about 39 million people, Uzbekistan is the most populous country in Central Asia. It is also the only state that borders all four of the other...

U.S.-Uzbekistan Relations

The American-Uzbek Business Council Launches in Washington

Washington D.C. - At the launch of the American-Uzbek Business and Investment Council in Washington on April 6, the most revealing line came early. Ambassador Sergio Gor, the White House’s special envoy for South and Central Asia, and Co-Chair of the Council, did not begin with trade statistics or a list of deliverables. He began with a blunt assessment of how the region has been treated in Washington. “For too long, this region has not found the attention that it deserves,” he said. That observation is hardly novel to anyone who follows Central Asia. What made it notable was the speaker and the setting. U.S. policy toward the region has often been episodic, driven at different times by Afghanistan, by Russia, by sanctions enforcement, or by concern over Chinese influence rather than sustained by a coherent regional economic strategy. Gor’s remarks suggested an attempt, at least by the current administration, to correct for that pattern. He was equally clear, however, that this was a political opening, not yet a settled doctrine. “Take this opportunity that the next two and a half years present,” he told the room, an unusually candid acknowledgment that Washington’s attention may be real without yet being durable. His other key formulation explained how the administration wants to make that attention count. “Never before in the history of the U.S. government has commercial diplomacy been such a major pillar of U.S. foreign policy,” Gor said. Whatever the phrasing, the intended shift was clear. Washington is signaling that in Central Asia, economic statecraft will not be treated as a side channel to politics, but as a primary instrument of policy. In that sense, the new council is less a ceremonial bilateral upgrade than a mechanism for turning political attention into projects, financing, and institutional follow-through. [caption id="attachment_46673" align="aligncenter" width="1600"] Image: TCA[/caption] Saida Mirziyoyeva, head of Uzbekistan’s presidential administration and the Uzbek co-chair of the council, answered that shift with a line that was just as pointed. “We are no longer at the stage where we speak about potential,” she said. “We are at the stage where we must deliver.” For a government that has spent years presenting Uzbekistan as a reforming economy open to outside capital, that was a significant change of emphasis. The argument is no longer that Uzbekistan deserves credit for opening up but that it now expects to be judged by execution. Her most substantive remarks were about institutions rather than ambition. The council matters, she said, because it should help “solve problems quickly, without unnecessary bureaucracy” and ensure that “no project is lost along the way.” That is a more serious claim than the language of partnership that usually fills these forums. Mirziyoyeva was effectively acknowledging the gap that often opens between political endorsement and project delivery. Uzbekistan’s challenge is no longer simply attracting attention from foreign partners but getting projects through financing, approvals, and implementation without losing momentum inside the state apparatus. That urgency reflects the scale of the opportunity. Uzbekistan, with a...