Central Asia-U.S. Relations - The Times Of Central Asia

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Central Asia-U.S. Relations

How the U.S. Is Building a Critical Minerals Chain Across Central Asia

The United States is trying to turn its political dialogue with Central Asia into concrete projects for mining and processing critical minerals. American capital is already moving into Kazakhstan’s tungsten sector and has long been present in Tajikistan’s antimony industry, while Washington is looking more closely at the mineral potential of Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. But access to deposits is only part of the challenge. China is already deeply embedded in the region’s mining, processing, and supply routes. A new round of talks took place during a visit by U.S. Special Envoy for South and Central Asia Sergio Gor and Senator Steve Daines. In Bishkek, the U.S. delegation met with regional leaders and discussed investment and resource projects. Daines represents Montana, one of the United States’ major mining states, and serves on the Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources. He has also advocated repealing the Jackson-Vanik amendment, a Cold War-era provision that still applies to Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. The 1974 law was designed to pressure Soviet-bloc governments that restricted emigration and still prevents the four countries from receiving permanent normal trade relations with the United States. In Washington, its repeal is increasingly being linked to expanding trade and U.S. investment in the region. U.S. mineral diplomacy has already acquired a dedicated regional format. In June, Astana hosted the C5+1 Critical Minerals Dialogue with representatives of all five Central Asian states. Discussions ranged from geological exploration and access to data to processing and getting raw materials to international markets. U.S. Assistant Secretary of Commerce David Fogel called for faster progress in turning those discussions into investment projects. More than 20 U.S. mining and related companies joined the delegation, while a Kazakhstan-U.S. roundtable focused on processing capacity and new supply chains. The question now is whether Washington can turn that diplomatic push into projects that not only extract Central Asia’s minerals, but process them in the region and move them to Western markets without relying on China. Kazakhstan: America’s Bet on Tungsten The most prominent U.S.-backed project is already taking shape in Kazakhstan. Cove Capital, through Cove Kaz Capital Group, is working with state-owned Tau-Ken Samruk to develop the Severny Katpar and Verkhneye Kairakty deposits in the Karaganda Region. The U.S. investor holds a 70% interest in the project, while its Kazakh partner has a 30% stake. Investment is estimated at around $1.1 billion. The project goes beyond mining: processing is also planned in Kazakhstan. At Severny Katpar, average annual production is projected at about 5,000 tons of tungsten trioxide. Mining is scheduled to begin in 2030. Tungsten is particularly important to the United States. It is used in aerospace, electronics, machinery, and defense, while the global market remains heavily dependent on China. Professor Younkyoo Kim of Hanyang University and his co-authors highlighted the middle of the production chain – smelting, refining, and separation – in a 2026 study. These processing capabilities are even more concentrated geographically than mining itself. Kazakhstan is trying to use competition among investors to keep more stages of...

Central Asia-U.S. Relations

In Bishkek, Gor and Daines Put Business First

U.S. Special Envoy for South and Central Asia Sergio Gor and U.S. Senator Steve Daines used their visit to Bishkek this week to put business squarely at the center of Washington's engagement with Kyrgyzstan and Central Asia, with discussions focused on investment, trade, infrastructure and practical steps for turning ideas into deals. Gor and Daines arrived for the opening of the World Nomad Games to cheer on the U.S. team, a visit that coincided with the SCO Summit on its 25th anniversary. The Games were only part of the visit. Much of the agenda focused on economic engagement. They were accompanied by Bethany Morrison, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia at the U.S. Department of State. “Called on President Zhaparov today in Bishkek, Kyrgyz Republic,” Gor tweeted. “Many great opportunities for our two nations to work together. We look forward to welcoming President Zhaparov to the United States next month to further advance our growing partnership.” U.S. officials met President Sadyr Japarov on Aug. 31 and held separate talks in Bishkek with Economy and Commerce Minister Sydykov and other officials. Edil Baisalov, Kyrgyz Ambassador to the U.S., accompanied the delegation to their meetings with Kyrgyz officials. Their Bishkek schedule also included meetings with Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev and Tajik President Emomali Rahmon. Discussions with Kyrgyz officials covered steps needed to advance different types of projects, opportunities for business-to-business cooperation and ways to connect U.S. companies with projects and partners in Kyrgyzstan and the wider region. Mining was among the sectors in focus, as expected, alongside infrastructure, energy, technology and trade. The discussions focused on identifying viable projects, connecting companies and resolving financing and implementation issues. [caption id="attachment_55339" align="aligncenter" width="690"] Daines and Gor. Image: https://x.com/USAmbIndia/status/2094364843390476459[/caption] More than Business The agenda was overwhelmingly commercial, though not exclusively, as Gor himself tweeted: “A very productive meeting with President Mirziyoyev of Uzbekistan. We discussed ongoing cooperation in energy, commerce, and building more robust security ties between our nations. Looking forward to big announcements soon between the U.S. and Uzbekistan.” Or consider this tweet: “Pleased to meet with Tajikistan’s President Emomali Rahmon. Together, the U.S. and Tajikistan are growing our commercial engagement, expanding our health cooperation, and strengthening security and counterterrorism cooperation.” Gor mentioned “security cooperation” with Kazakhstan as well. The latest visit builds on an economic agenda already being developed through the B5+1 business forum, which Gor attended in Bishkek earlier this year. The forum brought together businesses and government officials from the United States and the five Central Asian states, with an emphasis on investment, market access and reducing obstacles to private-sector activity. The discussions in Bishkek also touched on the next C5+1 summit, the U.S.-Central Asian leaders' format involving Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Kyrgyzstan offered to host the next summit in Bishkek. [caption id="attachment_55340" align="aligncenter" width="622"] L/R – Bethany Morrison, Daines, Gor, US Amb Lesslie Viguerie. Image: https://x.com/USAmbIndia/status/2094303173481844848[/caption] For Daines, the visit extended work he has been pursuing on Capitol Hill as chairman...

Board of Peace

The Board of Peace and Central Asia: Asserting Agency in a Fragmented Order

President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s speech at the inaugural meeting of U.S. President Donald Trump’s Board of Peace in Washington on February 19 was not only a foreign policy event, but one with significant domestic resonance. The initiatives announced include Kazakhstan’s participation in the reconstruction of Gaza, financial commitments, and readiness to send peacekeepers. Against the backdrop of economic challenges and ongoing constitutional reforms, however, a substantial segment of Kazakh society is questioning whether such an active foreign policy posture is justified at this time. The Board of Peace, the charter for which was ratified in Davos in January 2026 on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum, is positioned as an alternative to traditional multilateral institutions. According to Trump, the new body should not merely discuss conflicts, but will also "almost be looking over the United Nations and making sure it runs properly." Symbolically, the Board’s launch comes amid U.S. reductions and withholding of UN-related funding and withdrawals from multiple international bodies, alongside a partial U.S. payment toward UN arrears and the parallel creation of alternative financial and security mechanisms. According to the U.S. Mission to Kazakhstan, at the first meeting of the Board of Peace, nine members pledged a combined $7 billion aid package for the Gaza Strip. Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, the UAE, Morocco, Bahrain, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait indicated their willingness to contribute. Additionally, Trump pledged $10B in U.S. funding, framing peace and reconstruction as a strategic priority. However, experts note that these sums fall far short of projected needs. According to joint UN-EU-World Bank estimates, the full reconstruction of Gaza could require up to $70 billion. In addition, the implementation of projects is complicated by the issue of disarming Hamas, which is designated as a terrorist organization in the U.S. and the European Union. At present, there is no indication that any Western or regional government intends to revise that designation. A notable feature of the Washington summit was the synchronized participation and subsequent public statements of key member states of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS). Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, and Turkey effectively acted as what appeared to be an aligned geopolitical grouping, albeit without a formal declaration of joint action. What Is Kazakhstan Seeking? For Astana, participation in the Board of Peace appears to represent a renewed step in its multi-vector foreign policy doctrine. Tokayev directly stated Kazakhstan’s readiness to send medical units and observers to international stabilization forces and to allocate more than 500 educational grants for Palestinian students. In effect, Kazakhstan is reinforcing its image as a “Middle Power” prepared not only for diplomatic mediation but also for tangible contributions to international security efforts. This course aligns with the country’s existing participation in UN missions. Currently, 139 Kazakh military personnel are serving in the Golan Heights under the UN Disengagement Observer Force mandate. Nevertheless, the intensification of foreign policy engagement is raising domestic questions. Concerns voiced on social media and among experts include whether the international agenda risks diverting attention from internal economic pressures, including...

Board of Peace

The Board of Peace and the Emerging C6 Regional Ecosystem

Washington is hosting the first summit of the Board of Peace, an initiative convened by U.S. President Donald Trump. Aircraft carrying leaders from several post-Soviet states have arrived at Joint Base Andrews. While Russia and Belarus have been invited - representation levels vary - the presidents of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Azerbaijan have traveled to the United States in person. Although each leader has a separate bilateral agenda, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, and Ilham Aliyev share a broader objective: presenting a consolidated regional grouping, informally referred to as the C6, in which Kazakhstan is seen as playing a leading role. Tokayev, a career diplomat who previously served as a senior United Nations official, has developed a consistent approach to foreign visits, which typically includes a meeting with Kazakh citizens residing abroad, particularly students and young professionals, and the publication of an opinion piece in a leading outlet in the host country. During his current visit to the United States, he met members of the Kazakh diaspora and published an article in The National Interest outlining his vision for international stability. [caption id="attachment_44160" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev meets with Kazakh citizens living and studying in the United States; image: Akorda.kz[/caption] According to Kazakh political analyst Andrei Chebotarev, the central theme of Tokayev’s article is the importance of stability amid intensifying geopolitical rivalry and growing international conflicts. Chebotarev emphasized Tokayev’s call for a pragmatic international order grounded in the rule of law, accountability, predictable commitments, and respect for national and cultural identities, arguing that ideologically driven frameworks have proven ineffective. Tokayev described the Board of Peace as “not just another forum for endless discussions,” but as a practical initiative aimed at delivering tangible outcomes, particularly in relation to the Gaza Strip and the broader Middle East. He characterized the White House’s approach as one that views peace “not as a slogan, but as a project” built around infrastructure, investment, employment, and long-term stability. “This initiative deserves respect and international attention,” Tokayev said. During his visit to the United States last November for the C5+1 summit, Tokayev held meetings with senior U.S. officials, including Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, as well as executives from major international corporations. A delegation led by Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Economy Serik Zhumangarin is also in Washington during the current visit. In addition to promoting investment and technology partnerships, the delegation engaged with members of Congress involved in efforts to repeal the Jackson-Vanik amendment, which continues to complicate trade relations between the United States and certain Central Asian countries. Mirziyoyev has pursued a similar agenda during his current visit, holding meetings with U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick and U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer. He also met representatives of American businesses and signed an agreement establishing a new investment platform. [caption id="attachment_44171" align="aligncenter" width="1280"] A set of bilateral agreements on priority areas of Uzbekistan-U.S. cooperation was signed; image: President.uz[/caption] Aliyev, for his part, met in Washington with the leadership of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, including...

Jackson-Vanik Amendment

Jackson-Vanik Repeal Gains Momentum as U.S. Courts Central Asia

For many years, U.S. relations with Central Asia were primarily political in nature, while economic ties developed slowly. However, in the past year, engagement has intensified significantly, with recent agreements suggesting the U.S. is poised to strengthen its economic presence in the region. A recent statement by U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio reinforces this outlook. Calls to repeal the outdated Jackson-Vanik trade restrictions have been framed by U.S. officials as a way to facilitate trade with Central Asia and strengthen U.S. energy security. The Jackson-Vanik Amendment The Jackson-Vanik Amendment, enacted in 1974, restricts trade with countries that limit their citizens’ right to emigrate. At the time of its passage, Central Asia was still part of the Soviet Union. The amendment prohibits granting most-favored-nation (MFN) status, government loans, and credit guarantees to countries that violate their citizens’ right to emigrate, and allows for discriminatory tariffs and fees on imports from non-market economies. The amendment was repealed for Ukraine in 2006, and for Russia and Moldova in 2012. However, it remains in effect for several countries, including Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, which continue to receive only temporary normal trade relations. In May 2023, a bill proposing the establishment of permanent trade relations with Kazakhstan, which included repealing the Jackson-Vanik Amendment, was introduced in the U.S. Congress. A follow-up bill with similar provisions was submitted in February 2025. Then-nominee and now Secretary of State Marco Rubio previously noted that some policymakers viewed the amendment as a tool to extract concessions on human rights or to push Central Asian states toward the U.S. and away from Russia. However, he characterized such thinking as outdated, stating that, “In some cases, it is an absurd relic of the past.” Rubio has consistently supported expanding U.S. ties with Central Asia. Expanding Cooperation In 2025, relations between the U.S. and Central Asia deepened significantly, particularly with Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, which are seen by analysts as the primary beneficiaries of this cooperation. In late October 2025, U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau and U.S. Special Representative for South and Central Asia Sergio Gor visited Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. One of the year’s major events was the Central Asia-U.S. (C5+1) summit held in Washington on November 6. Leaders of the five Central Asian states met with President Donald Trump and members of the U.S. business community. Uzbekistani President Shavkat Mirziyoyev also met with U.S. Senator Steve Daines, co-chair of the Senate Central Asia Caucus, with both sides focusing heavily on economic cooperation. At the summit, Uzbekistan finalized major commercial agreements with U.S. companies, including aircraft orders by Uzbekistan Airways and deals spanning aviation, energy, and industrial cooperation. Kazakhstan signed agreements worth $17 billion with U.S. companies in sectors including aviation, mineral resources, and digital technologies. This included a deal granting American company Cove Kaz Capital Group a 70% stake in a joint venture to develop one of Kazakhstan’s largest tungsten deposits, an agreement valued at $1.1 billion. Further agreements were signed on critical minerals exploration. Kazakhstan and the...

Central Asia-U.S. Relations

Astana and Tashkent Engage Washington’s Central Asia Vector

On January 22 at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and Uzbekistan’s President Shavkat Mirziyoyev signed President Donald Trump’s new Board of Peace charter. The document matters less than what their participation signifies: recognized access to the White House and a willingness to be publicly associated with a U.S.-led initiative. This is all the more significant as Washington’s relations with several long-standing partners have recently become more fraught and publicly contested. The Central Asian response is part of that story. Their participation indicates that the Trump White House regards them as interlocutors of consequence, and that both Central Asian capitals are embracing that status. On December 1, Washington assumed the G20 presidency for 2026 and set three priorities: limiting regulatory burdens, strengthening affordable and secure energy supply chains, and advancing technology and innovation. It has also scheduled the leaders’ summit for December 14–15, 2026, in the Miami area. On December 23, Trump said that he was inviting Tokayev and Mirziyoyev to attend as guests. That invitation places Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan inside a host-defined agenda whose working tracks overlap with their strongest external bargaining assets, including energy, critical minerals potential, and transport connectivity. Trump publicly tied the invitations to discussions of peace, trade, and cooperation, which is in line with his subsequent Board of Peace invitations. Diplomatic Logic and Multi-Vectorism It is worthwhile situating these developments in the context of Central Asian cooperation, which Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan have driven as the regional core. At the August 2024 Consultative Meeting in Astana, all five leaders signed a Roadmap for the development of regional cooperation for 2025–2027, and adopted a “Central Asia 2040” conceptual framework. Tokayev and Mirziyoyev referenced their 2022 allied-relations agreement and announced plans to adopt a strategic partnership program through 2034, including large-scale joint economic and energy projects. Moscow’s preoccupation with the war in Ukraine has widened the room for maneuver by other external actors, and Central Asian capitals have pursued these opportunities selectively. For example, the EU’s then foreign-policy chief Josep Borrell visited Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan in early August 2024, Japan has pursued its “Central Asia plus Japan” line as a counterweight to China’s influence, and Azerbaijan has been building an energy bridge between Central Asia and Europe via the South Caucasus with Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. Washington’s main channel into this complex is the C5+1, and the current U.S. emphasis is to create routines that survive individual summits. The U.S. Special Envoy for South and Central Asian Affairs Sergio Gor and Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau travelled to Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan in October 2025 ahead of the Washington summit that Trump hosted the following month for the five leaders. Such formats can concentrate attention on the implementation of standardized procurement procedures and regularized dispute resolution that new supply-chain corridors require for interoperable paperwork and predictable customs treatment. Kyrgyzstan is scheduled to host the second B5+1 forum (the business counterpart to C5+1) on February 4–5, 2026. This has already been prepared by a joint briefing...