WWII - The Times Of Central Asia

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 18

Victory day

Opinion: What May 9 Means to a Generation Without War Memories

One evening, sitting beside my grandmother, we opened an old photo album, the kind with thick pages and photographs tucked carefully beneath thin plastic sheets. We turned the pages slowly. At one photograph, she stopped. It showed her as a young girl beside a close relative she rarely speaks about, a man who never came home from the war. The mood changed almost instantly. For her, May 9 is not simply a date. It belongs to a family story shaped by absence, grief, and survival. For me, it is inherited. For many people of my generation, May 9 is no longer a memory of war itself, but a memory passed down by those who lived closer to it. That distance is changing the meaning of Victory Day in Kazakhstan and across much of Central Asia. The day still carries enormous symbolic weight, but the link between public commemoration and private family memory is becoming less direct. What older generations remember, younger generations are increasingly asked to learn. What Remains for Those Who Remember For older generations, May 9 remains deeply personal. It is tied to lives shaped by loss, names repeated year after year, stories retold within families, and the enduring presence of those who never returned. The meaning of the day is not abstract for people who lived through the war or grew up in its immediate aftermath. It is part of their family history. In many households, remembrance is expressed less through public slogans than through quieter acts: visiting memorials, keeping photographs, passing down names, or sharing stories that do not need much explanation. For those generations, the past has not fully receded. It remains close to the surface of the present. A Generation That Learns, Not Remembers For younger people, the connection is often weaker and less detailed. The war may still be respected, but it is no longer remembered in the same way. It is encountered through family fragments, school lessons, monuments, ceremonies, and public language rather than through the direct emotional force of lived experience. This generational gap is visible in recent polling. A 2025 survey by the Center for Social and Political Research “Strategy,” based on 1,100 respondents across nine regions of Kazakhstan, found that 46% of people aged 18-24 knew someone in their family had participated in the war but could not recall any details. Another 33% had no information at all. Among respondents over 55, only 13% reported similar uncertainty. The same survey found that many respondents could not identify a significant historical figure connected to the war, while nearly one in five could not name a single wartime event. These gaps suggest more than a decline in historical knowledge. They point to a weakening personal connection to what was once a defining collective experience. When Memory Exists Without Experience As lived experience gives way to inherited knowledge, remembrance changes form. Historical events are preserved through families, schools, state ceremonies, monuments, and media, but the emotional connection becomes harder to sustain. A...

Victory day

No Tanks on Red Square as Moscow’s Victory Day Pull Fades in Central Asia

Russia’s Victory Day parade on May 9 is set to be more restrained this year, with tanks, armored vehicles, and missile systems absent from Red Square for the first time in nearly two decades. The Russian Defense Ministry cited the “current operational situation,” while the Kremlin blamed what it called Ukrainian “terrorist activity.” Russia also reported drone attacks aimed at Moscow in the days before the ceremony, and security around President Vladimir Putin has been tightened. The reduced scale of the parade carries a resonance beyond Russia. Victory Day remains one of the most emotionally charged dates in the post-Soviet calendar, including in Central Asia, where families still remember relatives who fought, died, or labored during World War II. But across the region, the holiday has increasingly been placed inside national calendars rather than left as part of Russia’s political script. The contrast with last year is sharp. In 2025, Moscow marked the 80th anniversary of Nazi Germany’s defeat with its largest Victory Day parade since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Chinese troops marched on Red Square, Xi Jinping sat beside Putin, and foreign leaders attended from across Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the former Soviet space. Tanks, rocket launchers, missile systems, drones, and other military hardware rolled through the square. This year’s guest list is more limited. The Kremlin’s initial list of foreign delegations included leaders and senior figures from Belarus, Laos, Malaysia, Slovakia, the breakaway republics of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and representatives from Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Republika Srpska. Attendance has also been hard to read. Earlier reports said Kazakhstan’s Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and Kyrgyzstan’s Sadyr Japarov were expected in Moscow, while the Kremlin’s initial published list of foreign guests did not include any Central Asian presidents. On May 8, however, Kazakh and Uzbek media reported that Tokayev and Uzbekistan’s Shavkat Mirziyoyev were traveling to Moscow for Victory Day events. The late confirmations complicate the picture, but they do not restore the full regional show of unity seen in the last two years, when all five Central Asian presidents were present at the Moscow parade. It does suggest, however, that Moscow’s political ownership of the date is less automatic than it once was. Victory Day, which commemorates the Soviet defeat of Nazi Germany in what Russia calls the Great Patriotic War, has long been one of the main rituals of modern Russian power. It draws large television audiences, fills public space with military symbolism, and presents the Kremlin as the guardian of a sacred national memory. The holiday speaks of sacrifice and family loss, but also of nationalism and state control over history. Putin has used that language repeatedly. On May 9, 2024, after appearing on Red Square in snowfall, he said Russia was going through a “difficult, milestone period,” and warned: “We will not allow anyone to threaten us. Our strategic forces are always in combat readiness.” In 2025, he used the 80th anniversary parade to link Soviet wartime memory to Russia’s current war, saying...

Victory day

Victory, Memory, and Moscow: Central Asia’s Changing May Calendar

May is when Central Asia’s past crowds into the public square. Workers, soldiers, veterans, constitutions, unity campaigns, and the legacy of World War II all compete for space on the calendar. The dates are familiar across the region, but their meanings are no longer the same. Kazakhstan marks People’s Unity Day on May 1, Defenders’ Day on May 7, and Victory Day on May 9. Kyrgyzstan has a May calendar built around Labor Day, Constitution Day, and Victory Day. Uzbekistan has recast May 9 as the Day of Remembrance and Honor. Turkmenistan lists May 9 as Victory Day of the 1941-1945 Great Patriotic War, but it no longer carries the same public weight as the country’s main state holidays. Those choices show how each state is handling its Soviet past. May 1 can mean labor, unity, or almost nothing. May 9 can mean victory, mourning, family memory, or careful diplomacy. In Central Asia, the politics of memory rarely move through open rejection. It works through renaming, recalibrating, and changing the optics. Russia still treats May 9 as a central ritual of state power. Victory Day marks the Soviet defeat of Nazi Germany in what Russia calls the Great Patriotic War. Under Vladimir Putin, it has become a display of military strength, national sacrifice, and confrontation with the West. Since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, that message has become more direct. This year, the image projected from Moscow will be weaker. Russia is preparing to hold its May 9 parade on Red Square without the usual display of military hardware. Tanks and missile systems, long central to the spectacle, are being kept away. Russia’s Defense Ministry cited the “current operational situation,” while the Kremlin linked the change to Ukrainian attacks. For Central Asian governments, that image will be hard to separate from their own handling of Victory Day. Moscow has long used May 9 to gather friendly leaders and place the post-Soviet region inside a shared wartime story. Attendance in Moscow has become a diplomatic signal. Absence has become one too. In recent years, Victory Day diplomacy has shown how Central Asian governments try to respect wartime memory while avoiding full alignment with Russia’s narrative. This year, at least some Central Asian leaders are again expected in Moscow. Kazakhstan’s Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and Kyrgyzstan’s Sadyr Japarov have been reported among those planning to attend, though the Kremlin has not yet published a full list of foreign guests. Central Asian states cannot simply discard May 9. Millions of people from the region served in the Red Army or worked behind the front during World War II; from Kazakhstan alone, around one million people contributed to the war effort, with nearly 271,000 soldiers still listed as missing. Families still carry those memories. Monuments, veterans’ payments, school events, and wreath-laying ceremonies remain important. For many people, Victory Day is personal before it is geopolitical. Yet governments have changed the tone. Kazakhstan still marks Victory Day as a public holiday, but large military parades...

History

Marking Victory Day: When Kazakh WWII Snipers Made the News in Australia

When we speak of the Second World War, Kazakhstan has never wavered in honoring the bravery of those who went to the front lines eight decades ago. Historical records show that more than 1.2 million people from the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic took part in the war. Over 500 of them were awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet Union. Among these valiant fighters was Kazakh lieutenant Rakhimzhan Koshkarbayev, one of the first soldiers to raise the Soviet flag over the Reichstag in Berlin. On the home front, Kazakhstan played a vital role in supplying the war effort with food, clothing, and military equipment. But this article sheds light on a lesser-known chapter: how newspapers in far-off Australia once reported on Kazakhs fighting on the Eastern Front. The Two Snipers On October 19, 1943, a brief story appeared in The Mirror, a Sydney-based newspaper, highlighting Kazakh snipers serving in the Red Army. The article titled Red Snipers’ Grim Harvest reads: "Grim-faced sniper, Siyazbekov, a Kazakh, kills four to five fascists every day. This photograph, taken during actual fighting scenes on the Russian front, shows Siyazbekov (right) well-hidden in a snow-covered Russian field, with Red Army man Djakeyev, who is also a sniper." Curious after reading this, we searched online for more information about these Kazakh marksmen. Unfortunately, the trail runs cold, suggesting this may be a topic worthy of deeper historical research. The newspaper’s accompanying image shows the two soldiers locked in focus behind their sniper rifles, stern, battle-hardened, and fearless. Behind Enemy Lines Another mention of a Kazakh soldier appeared in an Australian daily published in Adelaide, dated May 21, 1943. The story, found on page three, spotlighted a reconnaissance scout: "One of the Red Army’s ace scouts is Kazakh Abu Temerbaev, shown here. His job is to bring in news of enemy movements. He works on the central front, where big-scale fighting is expected again any day." Once again, we attempted to uncover more about this soldier. Yet, aside from this single article and one wartime photo showing him in winter camouflage, history offers no further trace. These brief mentions in Australian newspapers, now yellowed with age, hint at a vast and mostly forgotten archive of Kazakh valor. Their stories, still waiting to be told, echo across continents and urge us not to forget.

Victory day

Victory Day in Central Asia: Honoring Sacrifice Amid Shifting Narratives

For the countries of Central Asia, Victory Day holds a deep significance. Although debates over the nature of the May 9 commemorations have intensified in recent years, the importance of the holiday remains unchallenged. A War That Touched Every Family Attitudes toward the celebration marking the defeat of Nazi Germany are largely shaped by each nation's level of participation in the war effort. Kazakhstan mobilized over 1.2 million people, nearly 20% of its pre-war population of 6.5 million. Of these, more than 600,000 perished at the front, with an additional 300,000 dying in the rear due to malnutrition, forced labor, and inadequate medical care. With a similar sized population, Uzbekistan sent approximately 1.95 million people to the front - or one in every three residents. Around 400,000 Uzbeks did not return home. Over 500 Kazakhstani and more than 300 Uzbekistani soldiers were awarded the title Hero of the Soviet Union. [caption id="attachment_31602" align="aligncenter" width="2560"] Eternal flame and Crying Mother Monument, Tashkent; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] Kyrgyzstan, home to just 1.5 million people at the time, sent over 363,000 to the front. Approximately 100,000 perished, and 73 received the Hero of the Soviet Union medal. Tajikistan mobilized more than 300,000 troops, with over 100,000 never returning. Fifty-five Tajiks received Hero of the Soviet Union honors. Turkmenistan, with a population of 1.3 million, sent around 200,000 soldiers and officers; 16 received Hero status. Central Asian soldiers played vital roles in major battles, including the defense of Moscow. They helped liberate territories across the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The region also contributed 20-30% of its horse population, then a central component of local economies, for military use. The war profoundly reshaped Central Asia. Thousands of Soviet enterprises were relocated to the region, fueling industrialization. Millions of refugees from Nazi-occupied zones found sanctuary in Central Asian republics. Many children were taken in by local families and raised as their own. Today, many in Central Asia feel that outsiders fail to grasp the weight of Victory Day. While countries like the UK, U.S., Italy, and France recorded wartime deaths of 380,000, 417,000, 479,000, and 665,000 respectively, the USSR suffered over 26 million losses. German losses are estimated at 8.4 million. Celebrating Amid Controversy Recent years have brought a shift in how Victory Day is perceived in Central Asia. Symbols such as the Guards ribbon, criticized for echoing imperial Russian motifs, have sparked debate. Some argue that the holiday reflects colonial oppression, as the peoples of Soviet Asia were conscripted into a foreign war. These debates have grown louder since Russia annexed Crimea in 2014, with some now viewing the May 9 celebrations as a tool of Russian influence in the region. Nonetheless, Central Asian leaders have rejected efforts to "cancel" Victory Day, reaffirming its deep personal and national resonance. Efforts to distinguish the celebration from Russian state narratives are evident. Many events now emphasize patriotism rather than Soviet nostalgia. On May 7, Kazakhstan held its first military parade in Astana in seven years,...

History

The Story of World War Two Hero Tair Tastandiev

During World War II, the Soviet leadership established the “Order of Glory”, to honor soldiers for acts of personal bravery. Often referred to as the “Soldier’s Order,” it was awarded strictly for individual merit. According to its statute, the order was to be conferred progressively, beginning with the 3rd Class and culminating in the 1st Class. Those who received all three classes became Full Cavaliers of the Order of Glory and were granted the same rights as recipients of the title “Hero of the Soviet Union.” Yet during the war, for unclear reasons, there were curious cases in which the same soldier was awarded the Order of Glory 3rd Class multiple times, despite qualifying for higher classes. Such was the fate of Guard Sergeant Tair Burkutbaevich Tastandiev. [caption id="attachment_31491" align="aligncenter" width="288"] Tair Burkutbaevich Tastandiev (1924–1974), WWII veteran, Full Cavalier of the Order of Glory. Photo from the 1960s[/caption] Tastandiev was born on March 20, 1924, in the village of Kyzyl-Aryk, Zhambyl region, Kazakhstan. In August 1942, he was drafted into the Red Army and served as a heavy machine gunner in the 72nd Guards Rifle Regiment. On November 26, 1944, during a battle for a strategic position south of the Latvian village of Rudbārži, Tastandiev destroyed an enemy machine gun nest with grenades. He was the first to storm into the village, leading his fellow soldiers. Later, on January 29, 1945, during combat six kilometers northwest of Königsberg (now Kaliningrad), Tastandiev’s unit captured two enemy machine guns, eliminating their crews and enabling the company's advance. For his bravery in Latvia, he was awarded the Order of Glory 3rd Class on February 8, 1945. He would then be again awarded the Order of Glory 3rd Class on March 12, 1945, for his actions in Königsberg. On April 6, 1945, during a breakthrough of enemy defenses near the village of Metgethen, Tastandiev and his crew breached enemy barbed wire, paving the way for an infantry assault. On April 8, in the same area, he was concussed in combat but continued to fight with his gun crew. For this, he received the Order of Glory 3rd Class a third time, on April 11, 1945. After the war, Tastandiev was demobilized and returned to his native village of Kyzyl-Aryk, where he worked on a collective farm. Only a decade later, on August 19, 1955, a decree by the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR corrected the awarding irregularity. Recognizing the administrative oversight, Soviet authorities conferred upon Tastandiev the 2nd and 1st Classes of the Order of Glory, thereby officially designating him a Full Cavalier.