• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10515 0.48%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10515 0.48%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10515 0.48%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10515 0.48%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10515 0.48%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10515 0.48%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10515 0.48%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00211 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10515 0.48%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28530 0%

Viewing results 673 - 678 of 2395

Uzbekistan and Kuwait Strengthen Ties with Landmark Agreements During President Mirziyoyev’s Visit

Uzbekistan’s President Shavkat Mirziyoyev visited Kuwait on February 17 at the invitation of Emir Sheikh Meshal Al-Sabah. The two leaders met at Bayan Palace in Kuwait City to discuss ways to strengthen bilateral ties. During the meeting, Mirziyoyev expressed gratitude for the Emir’s warm welcome and extended congratulations to the people of Kuwait on their upcoming national holidays. He also praised Kuwait’s progress under its Vision 2035 program, noting that its objectives align with Uzbekistan’s long-term development plans. Following their discussions, the leaders adopted a joint statement on enhancing Uzbek-Kuwaiti cooperation. Several agreements were signed, including: Agreement on cooperation in industry Protocol to the Agreement on Air Services Agreement on labor cooperation Agreement on the development of “smart” cities Agreement on cooperation in arts and culture Agreement on healthcare collaboration Tourism cooperation program for 2025-2027 Cooperation agreement with the Kuwait Fund for Arab Economic Development These agreements mark a new phase in Uzbekistan-Kuwait relations, fostering closer collaboration in key economic and social sectors.

Kyrgyz Labor Migrants Confront Challenges in Europe

The Center for Employment of Kyrgyz Citizens Abroad has announced the launch of online registration for seasonal agricultural work in the United Kingdom. Alongside migration to Russia, Europe remains one of the most popular destinations for Kyrgyz workers. Tens of thousands of citizens seek employment in Europe, Turkey, and South Korea. However, despite the widely advertised benefits of working abroad, many migrants face significant challenges. According to the state portal migrant.kg, wages for seasonal agricultural work in the UK are set at £11.50 per hour, with a guaranteed minimum of 32 hours per week. Applicants must meet certain conditions, including being in satisfactory physical and psychological health and having at least a basic knowledge of Russian. The Kyrgyz government assures job seekers that employment under state-brokered contracts is free of charge and, most importantly, safe. Migrants are only required to cover the costs of their visa, insurance, and airfare. The Kyrgyz Ministry of Labor, Social Development, and Migration has previously signed agreements on labor migration with companies in the UK, Italy, and Slovakia, as well as with employers in South Korea. In addition to government initiatives, private agencies also facilitate job placements for Kyrgyz citizens abroad. The Times of Central Asia spoke with Rakhim Mirzyaev, a former labor migrant, about his experiences working in the European Union. “In general, Kyrgyz citizens are readily accepted in most EU countries. I worked in Poland for six months at a car parts factory, then moved to the Netherlands for agricultural work. Many people don’t realize it, but this type of labor can be brutal,” Mirzyaev told TCA. The cost of obtaining a visa, insurance, and airfare for his job in Poland totaled $750. “At the factory in Poland, we were paid hourly, only about $5 per hour. An inspector monitored our work every hour. Local regulations required us to meet specific production targets. If you failed to meet the quota, you were first fined, and then, if it continued, you could be fired,” he explained. According to Kyrgyz migrants, inflation has made it increasingly difficult to live and work in Europe. Rising food and housing costs leave little room for savings. Unlike international students, migrant workers receive no financial benefits or subsidies. Nutrition was another major challenge. Mirzyaev noted that adjusting to inexpensive European food was difficult for those accustomed to traditional Central Asian cuisine. “We mostly ate pasta because it was the cheapest option. If we spent money on better food, we wouldn’t be able to save anything to send home. I lost 20 kilograms in six months working at the factory in Poland,” he said. Many Kyrgyz migrants exchange job opportunities and experiences through online messaging groups. It was in one such group that Mirzyaev and a friend found an unofficial job opening in the Netherlands. However, without an official work permit, they faced even greater difficulties. “But in the Netherlands, we didn’t pass the probation period and were fired after three days. The job required us to work on a...

Turkmenistan Ranked Worst in Central Asia in 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index

Turkmenistan has once again ranked among the world's most corrupt countries, placing last in Central Asia in Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index 2024.  According to the index, Turkmenistan ranked 165th out of 180 countries, scoring 17 out of 100 points. This marks a decline from the previous year, when the country scored 18 points and was ranked 170th.  Among other Central Asian nations, Tajikistan ranked 164th with 19 points, while Kyrgyzstan placed 146th with 25 points. Uzbekistan ranked 121st with 32 points, and Kazakhstan was the highest-ranked in the region at 88th place with 40 points. Russia, with 22 points, was ranked 154th.  The report highlights that authoritarianism and weak judicial systems remain key drivers of corruption in Central Asia. Denmark, Finland, Singapore, New Zealand, and Luxembourg topped the index as the least corrupt countries. Meanwhile, Yemen, Syria, Venezuela, Somalia, and South Sudan were ranked among the most corrupt, with South Sudan finishing last at 180th place. Transparency International warns that corruption remains a significant global threat, even in efforts to combat climate change. According to the organization, corrupt practices hinder emissions reductions, slow adaptation to climate change, and severely impact sustainable development. "While 32 countries have significantly reduced corruption since 2012, in 148 nations the situation has either remained unchanged or worsened. The global average remains at 43 points, and more than two-thirds of countries score below 50. As a result, billions of people continue to live in environments where corruption undermines their rights and quality of life," Transparency International stated in its report.

Drone Attack on Caspian Pipeline Consortium Station: Implications for Kazakhstan

On February 17, the Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC) reported a drone attack on the Kropotkinskaya oil pumping station in Russia's Krasnodar region.  According to an official CPC statement, the attack involved seven drones armed with explosives and metal shrapnel. The strikes occurred at intervals, which, according to experts, suggests an intent not only to disable the facility but also to endanger personnel. Despite this, no casualties were reported. Quick action by CPC employees prevented an oil spill, though the station was taken out of operation. A commission led by CPC General Director Nikolay Gorban arrived at the site to assess the damage and determine a timeline for repairs. Currently, oil transportation along the Tengiz-Novorossiysk pipeline is operating at reduced capacity, bypassing the Kropotkinskaya station. CPC’s international shareholders, including companies from the United States and Europe, have been informed of the attack and its consequences. Temur Umarov, a researcher at the Carnegie Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies in Berlin, commented on the incident via his Telegram channel, noting that Ukraine had previously avoided targeting CPC infrastructure in Russia to avoid harming Kazakhstan and its Western partners, such as Chevron, Shell, ExxonMobil, and Eni. However, he said this latest attack underscores Kazakhstan's vulnerability, as the country relies on the CPC pipeline for 80% of its oil exports. "Whatever the consequences and reactions to this episode, it reminds Kazakhstan once again of its deep dependence on the CPC pipeline; through it, Astana can be pressured both by Russia and, as we now see, by others," Umarov wrote. The Kropotkinskaya station is the largest CPC oil pumping facility in Russia, located in Krasnodar Krai. However, according to the TCA, no Kazakh oil passes through this station. This is not the first time drones, presumably Ukrainian, have targeted infrastructure related to Kazakh oil exports via Russian territory. In December 2023, drones struck a loading point of the Druzhba pipeline in Russia’s Bryansk region, a key route for Kazakh oil exports to Europe. 

U.S. Deports 119 Migrants, Including Uzbeks, to Panama Under Agreement

The United States has deported 119 migrants of various nationalities to Panama as part of a bilateral agreement, Panama's President Jose Raul Mulino announced on Thursday. According to Reuters, a U.S. Air Force flight carrying deportees from Afghanistan, China, India, Iran, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Turkey, Uzbekistan, and Vietnam arrived in Panama on Wednesday. Two additional flights are expected soon, bringing the total number of deported individuals to 360. The migrants will stay at a shelter near the Darién jungle, a critical migration route between Central and South America, before being sent to their home countries. “Through a cooperation program with the U.S. government, a flight arrived yesterday with 119 people of various nationalities,” President Mulino said. The U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has not commented on the deportations. Earlier this month, after meeting with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, President Mulino reaffirmed that Panama’s sovereignty over the Panama Canal is non-negotiable. However, he also indicated that Panama could deport more migrants as part of ongoing cooperation with the U.S. During the same meeting, Panama’s security officials discussed the possibility of expanding an existing July 2024 agreement, which currently allows the U.S. to deport Venezuelan, Colombian, and Ecuadorian migrants through a Panamanian airstrip at U.S. expense. Panama’s Deputy Minister for Security, Luis Icaza, reported that the number of migrants crossing the Darién jungle dropped by 90% in January compared to the same period last year. The U.S. deportation policy could be part of a broader strategy to speed up removals of migrants whose home countries are reluctant to accept them. In January, U.S. President Donald Trump reiterated his hardline stance on illegal immigration while stating that he has no objections to legal immigration. He also defended his plan to end birthright citizenship as part of his broader immigration policy.

Why Kazakhstan’s Tokayev Was Right About Diplomacy in Ukraine

When the history of the war in Ukraine is written, one question demanding extended treatment will be why diplomacy remained sidelined for so long. Conflicts involving major powers and their proxies have in recent decades (think of Korea, Vietnam, and the Balkans) finished mainly not in outright military victories but in negotiated settlements. Now, with reports of U.S. President Donald Trump reaching directly out to his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin, it is important to reassess why the long-standing insistence on diplomacy by Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev was not met with more support.  Tokayev’s early insistence on negotiations was instead met with scepticism. As the war ground on, Ukraine’s 2023 counteroffensive (planned and mandated by Western advisors) failed while Russia’s entrenchment in the occupied territories continued. The fact that a Trump–Putin call has taken place, bypassing European leaders, underscores the shift of view in Washington. Kazakhstan’s foreign policy approach to the war in Ukraine has been dictated by its unique geopolitical position. As a founding member of both the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), Kazakhstan’s economic and security ties to Russia are extensive. At the same time, its leadership has consistently pursued a multivector foreign policy, balancing engagement with China, the European Union, and the United States. Tokayev’s refusal at the June 2022 St. Petersburg International Economic Forum to recognize the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics signalled Kazakhstan’s commitment to sovereignty and neutrality. In November 2022, Kazakhstan began to reduce Moscow’s leverage over its energy sector by sending oil for export via the Caspian Sea, into pipelines in the South Caucasus, bypassing the established route through the Caspian Pipeline Consortium via southern Russia. Had global policymakers taken Tokayev’s warnings more seriously in 2022 and 2023, certain escalations might have been mitigated. Kazakhstan was not alone in advocating for negotiations. Turkey brokered a grain shipment deal in 2022, and the Vatican attempted discreet backchannel diplomacy. However, Kazakhstan’s deep historical and economic ties to Russia gave its perspective unique weight. Kazakhstan’s approach was pragmatic. Western states viewed engagement as legitimizing Russian aggression. From Central Asia, however, the view was that indefinite warfare would destabilize Eurasia and inflict mounting costs on all stakeholders, not least Moscow. The West dismissed calls for diplomacy as naïve or as concessions to Moscow. Western leaders continued to believe military pressure, coupled with economic sanctions, was the only viable means of deterring Russian aggression. This may have been true if the military pressure had been an order of magnitude stronger from the beginning, rather than a slow drip of weapons systems that never had a chance of making a decisive difference. The reluctance of Western leaders to consider early diplomacy was not entirely unfounded. The atrocities committed by Russian forces in Bucha and Mariupol made any engagement politically fraught. Ukraine, emboldened by Western military aid, had every reason to resist diplomatic settlements that would lock in its territorial losses. Smaller states often possess a more acute awareness of the dangers of prolonged...