• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09735 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09735 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09735 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09735 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09735 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09735 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09735 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 -0.14%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09735 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 -0.14%

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 1135

Cuts to USAID Leave Central Asia Facing Development Challenges

When American President Donald Trump announced a freeze and overhaul of his country's foreign aid in early 2025, the move sparked concern across Central Asia. For more than three decades, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) had been a key contributor to development in the region, supporting education, healthcare, agriculture, and environmental protection. Support for Weaker Economies USAID’s role was particularly critical in economically vulnerable countries like Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Its sudden withdrawal now leaves local governments scrambling to compensate with limited domestic resources. The cuts have not been uniform, but the overall impact has been profound. According to the Center for Global Development, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan lost 78 percent and 69 percent of their USAID-backed programs, respectively. In Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, nearly all aid programs were discontinued. Foreign aid to the region has often reflected shifting geopolitical dynamics. In Uzbekistan, for example, support surged from $6 million to $40 million in 2016 following President Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s rise to power. Kyrgyzstan received $75 million in 2010 amid negotiations over the U.S. military base there. In contrast, aid to Turkmenistan fell to just $2.8 million by 2024. Limited Time to Adjust While Kazakhstan’s more robust economy allowed for a gradual reduction in U.S. assistance, American companies remain active in its vital oil sector. Yet the abrupt nature of the broader aid pullback has disrupted numerous projects with little warning. Health and education initiatives were halted, as were efforts to bolster trade and cross-border infrastructure, critical for Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan as they seek to deepen global economic ties. Environmental initiatives also suffered. With Central Asia especially vulnerable to climate change, USAID had funded resilience-building programs focused on water access and renewable energy. These efforts have largely ceased, raising concerns among farmers and local communities who had come to rely on them. Civil Society Under Strain Some governments in the region may quietly welcome the cuts, particularly those wary of foreign-backed NGOs. USAID frequently partnered with local civil society organizations and media outlets, entities that Central Asian authorities often view with suspicion. The loss of U.S. support has left these groups increasingly exposed to state pressure. Tajikistan offers a telling case. In 2020, USAID partnered with the Aga Khan Foundation during the COVID-19 pandemic. But two years later, following unrest in the country's Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region, the government launched a crackdown on the foundation. This underscores how some aid programs, especially those linked to civil society, are perceived as threats. Although USAID did not operate programs directly, its funding empowered local partners. With that backing gone, and less pressure from Washington, several Central Asian governments have tightened their control over independent organizations. Seeking Alternatives Replacing USAID’s role will not be easy. The European Union and countries such as France and Germany have long supported development in Central Asia, but their resources are stretched, especially with increased attention and funding directed toward Ukraine. Despite EU pledges of investment via the Global Gateway initiative, support for democracy, civil society, and human rights...

Russia: Thousands of Central Asia-Born Russians Sent to Ukraine Front Line

A senior Russian official has said that thousands of migrants from Central Asia who became Russian citizens were sent to fight in Ukraine after they tried to dodge conscription. "Our military investigations directorate conducts regular raids,” Alexander Bastrykin, head of Russia’s Investigative Committee, said on Tuesday in remarks that were reported by the Russian state-run TASS news agency. “So far, we've tracked down 80,000 such Russian citizens who didn't just avoid the front lines — they wouldn’t even show up at military enlistment offices. We’ve registered them for military service, and about 20,000 of these 'new' Russian citizens, who for some reason no longer want to live in Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, or Kyrgyzstan, are now on the front lines," Bastrykin said at the St. Petersburg International Legal Forum. Bastrykin’s comments contributed a piece to the often murky picture of the involvement of people from Central Asia in Russia’s war effort in Ukraine in the last three years. In addition to conscription measures, Russia has also sought to replenish its ranks by offering contracts and other incentives to foreigners willing to fight. Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan are among Central Asian countries that ban their nationals from fighting in foreign conflicts and there have been several high-profile prosecutions of citizens who fought for Russia and returned home. It is a sensitive political matter in Central Asia, a region that seeks to project neutrality in the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. Kazakhstan has said it is reviewing a report by a Ukrainian institution that said about 661 Kazakh citizens have fought for Russia since it launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. The I Want To Live center, which is run by the Ukrainian security services and assists with surrender requests from soldiers fighting for Russia, published a list of what it said were the Kazakh nationals. Of the 661, at least 78 have been killed, according to the center. Without providing details, it said it received the list from its own sources within the Russian military. Uzbekistan is conducting a similar investigation based on data from the Ukrainian group.

Cuts to USAID Leave Central Asia Facing Development Challenges

When American President Donald Trump announced a freeze and overhaul of his country's foreign aid in early 2025, the move sparked concern across Central Asia. For more than three decades, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) had been a key contributor to development in the region, supporting education, healthcare, agriculture, and environmental protection. Support for Weaker Economies USAID’s role was particularly critical in economically vulnerable countries like Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Its sudden withdrawal now leaves local governments scrambling to compensate with limited domestic resources. The cuts have not been uniform, but the overall impact has been profound. According to the Center for Global Development, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan lost 78 percent and 69 percent of their USAID-backed programs, respectively. In Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, nearly all aid programs were discontinued. Foreign aid to the region has often reflected shifting geopolitical dynamics. In Uzbekistan, for example, support surged from $6 million to $40 million in 2016 following President Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s rise to power. Kyrgyzstan received $75 million in 2010 amid negotiations over the U.S. military base there. In contrast, aid to Turkmenistan fell to just $2.8 million by 2024. Limited Time to Adjust While Kazakhstan’s more robust economy allowed for a gradual reduction in U.S. assistance, American companies remain active in its vital oil sector. Yet the abrupt nature of the broader aid pullback has disrupted numerous projects with little warning. Health and education initiatives were halted, as were efforts to bolster trade and cross-border infrastructure, critical for Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan as they seek to deepen global economic ties. Environmental initiatives also suffered. With Central Asia especially vulnerable to climate change, USAID had funded resilience-building programs focused on water access and renewable energy. These efforts have largely ceased, raising concerns among farmers and local communities who had come to rely on them. Civil Society Under Strain Some governments in the region may quietly welcome the cuts, particularly those wary of foreign-backed NGOs. USAID frequently partnered with local civil society organizations and media outlets, entities that Central Asian authorities often view with suspicion. The loss of U.S. support has left these groups increasingly exposed to state pressure. Tajikistan offers a telling case. In 2020, USAID partnered with the Aga Khan Foundation during the COVID-19 pandemic. But two years later, following unrest in the country's Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region, the government launched a crackdown on the foundation. This underscores how some aid programs, especially those linked to civil society, are perceived as threats. Although USAID did not operate programs directly, its funding empowered local partners. With that backing gone, and less pressure from Washington, several Central Asian governments have tightened their control over independent organizations. Seeking Alternatives Replacing USAID’s role will not be easy. The European Union and countries such as France and Germany have long supported development in Central Asia, but their resources are stretched, especially with increased attention and funding directed toward Ukraine. Despite EU pledges of investment via the Global Gateway initiative, support for democracy, civil society, and human rights...

CSTO to Begin Arms Supplies to the Tajik-Afghan Border in 2026

Beginning in 2026, the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) will start delivering weapons and military equipment to bolster the alliance's southern borders, particularly to reinforce the Tajik-Afghan frontier. This development was announced on May 19 by CSTO Secretary General Imangali Tasmagambetov during a meeting of the CSTO Parliamentary Assembly in Bishkek. Armed Response to Regional Threats Tasmagambetov highlighted that the initiative stems from the Targeted Inter-State Program (TIP), approved in Astana in November 2024. This program reflects the CSTO's collective resolve to address security vulnerabilities along its southern periphery. “The task now is to implement it in full,” he stated. These security issues were previously discussed during an April 2025 meeting in Dushanbe with Tajikistan’s President Emomali Rahmon. Despite regional stabilization efforts, Afghanistan continues to pose serious risks, including terrorism, arms trafficking, and the narcotics trade. Tasmagambetov emphasized, “The Taliban regime is proving to be a long-term political factor.” He noted that CSTO members, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Russia, have intensified diplomatic engagement with Afghanistan to support regional stability. The CSTO Secretariat will maintain vigilance and enhance coordination to counter emerging threats. Signs of Regional Progress In contrast to the ongoing security challenges, Tasmagambetov acknowledged promising developments in Central Asia. He pointed to the March 13 state border agreement between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, as well as the March 31 tripoint agreement involving Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. These steps are seen as crucial in easing regional tensions. Tajik-Afghan Border a Strategic Focus Through 2029 The TIP for strengthening the Tajik-Afghan border is scheduled to be implemented in three stages and will run until 2029. Its goals include reinforcing southern Tajikistan’s military infrastructure and improving the region’s capacity to respond swiftly to cross-border threats. The program outlines measures for allied coordination, arms deliveries, and enhancements to logistics, communications, and border infrastructure.

In the Ancient Uzbek City of Termez, Delegates Talk Ties Between Central and South Asia

The Uzbek city of Termez, which lies on the border with Afghanistan and has hosted pilgrims, traders and soldiers over many centuries, is hosting a conference to promote contacts between Central and South Asia.  Organized by the Uzbek government, the three-day meeting this week brings together about 200 people from fields including politics, business and research, some of whom have traveled from Europe, the Middle East and the Asia-Pacific region. The so-called Termez Dialogue on Connectivity, the first in the city, ends on Wednesday.  The forum represents a belief that the countries of Central and South Asia can benefit from expanding trade and other contacts with each other, despite periodic security, logistical and other concerns, and even outright conflict such as the recent crisis between India and Pakistan. Militants killed more than two dozen tourists in Indian-controlled Kashmir on April 22, setting off fighting between the two nuclear-armed rivals in which dozens more people died. The adversaries reached a cease-fire on May 10.  "In the conditions of global instability, a free and constructive dialogue based on respect and equal participation of all parties is more important than ever,” said Eldor Aripov, director of the Institute for Strategic and Interregional Studies, a state research group in Uzbekistan that helped to organize the conference.   Aripov said mutual trade turnover between Central and South Asia was more than $5 billion last year, though he characterized the figures as modest because there is more that the regions can do on economic collaboration. He highlighted the importance of the speedy implementation of the Trans-Afghan Corridor construction project, which would provide easier access to Indian Ocean ports for regional countries and more closely connect South Asia to markets in Central Asia, Russia, China and Europe.  The Trans-Afghan Corridor project, whose current estimated cost is nearly $5 billion, would constitute a core railway that runs from Termez through Kabul, Afghanistan and onward to Peshawar, Pakistan. Subsequent plans envision the railway as the basis for a broader transport network involving more countries.  There are challenges to the project, including security concerns in Afghanistan and Pakistan as well as difficult, mountainous terrain in Afghanistan that would require considerable engineering expertise. While the railway is consistent with Central Asian goals of diversifying trade routes, potential alternatives to the project and geopolitical maneuvers by big powers could complicate prospects for success. “The growing involvement of Central Asian countries in the trans-Afghan transportation sector presents a significant opportunity to fully realize the region’s transit potential, offering substantial economic and geopolitical advantages,” researcher Nargiza Umarova wrote in a March analysis for the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program.  “However, this increased engagement may also lead to competition among Central Asian states for new transport initiatives or prompt external rival forces to exploit these opportunities to advance their own interests,” Umarova said.

Kazakhstan Extends Border Crossing Closure with Uzbekistan Until September

The Tajyen-Daut Ata border checkpoint between Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan will remain closed to pedestrians, passenger vehicles, buses, and light cargo transport until September 1. The extension was agreed upon by both governments, according to Kazinform, citing Kazakhstan’s State Revenue Committee under the Ministry of Finance. Officials explained that the continued closure is necessary to ensure traveler safety and facilitate the progress of major construction and renovation work at the site. Ongoing repairs include the installation of metal structures, engineering systems, and the comprehensive refurbishment of buildings. In parallel, from May through August, Kazakhstan’s national road company, KazAvtoZhol, will construct a new road in the neutral zone separating the Tajyen (Kazakhstan) and Daut Ata (Uzbekistan) checkpoints. Uzbekistan is expected to carry out similar infrastructure upgrades on its side of the border. The checkpoint was originally closed on February 1, to accommodate the reconstruction project. Kazakhstan subsequently proposed extending the closure for an additional four months, a request that was supported by Uzbek authorities. Officials have advised citizens of both countries to factor in the closure when planning their travel and transport routes. This development aligns with broader efforts by Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan to upgrade regional transport and trade infrastructure. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, both nations are investing in projects aimed at enhancing regional connectivity, including transit links to Pakistan. Kazakhstan is also positioning itself as a key player in the Middle Corridor, part of the larger Trans-Caspian International Transport Route connecting Central Asia with South Asia and Europe.