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4th India-Central Asia Dialogue

Opinion: Strengthening the Silk Bonds — India’s Renewed Push Towards Central Asia

The velvet-draped tables of New Delhi’s 4th India-Central Asia Dialogue convened under the stewardship of External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar on June 6, 2025, radiated congeniality, with history and strategy converging. This high-level engagement, attended by foreign ministers from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, marked more than a diplomatic ritual — it signaled India's deepening resolve to recalibrate its strategic posture in a region too long shaped by other powers. Yet beneath pledges of shared civilizational futures and energy corridors, an uncomfortable truth lingered as India remains a guest, not a player, in Central Asia’s great power theatre. Further, India’s internal socio-political landscape presents notable challenges that inadvertently shape its foreign policy credibility, particularly in the eyes of Central Asian nations. Persistent communal tensions — most visibly manifested in the Hindu-Muslim divide, the controversial demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992, and the politically charged construction of the Ram Mandir — have deepened perceptions of religious polarization. Such domestic developments, while largely internal, resonate beyond India’s borders, especially in the Muslim-majority Central Asian republics, raising concerns about inclusivity and pluralism in India’s governance model. Simultaneously, India’s strained relations with key neighbors — Pakistan, and China, and increasingly volatile dynamics with Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka — have reinforced a regional image of discord and inconsistency. These internal and regional complexities contribute to a trust deficit, making Central Asian countries cautious in placing long-term strategic confidence in India. For New Delhi to emerge as a dependable partner in the region, addressing internal fissures and presenting a coherent, inclusive national vision is as vital as economic or diplomatic outreach. Central Asia sits at the center of ancient trade routes and modern geopolitical competition. For India, its importance is twofold: the region is a bridge to Eurasia and a repository of energy resources critical to India’s growing economy. But India’s historical connectivity to Central Asia — through the Silk Road, shared cultural legacies, and spiritual exchanges — has, for decades, been overshadowed by geographic and political barriers, notably the lack of direct overland access due to Pakistan. Recognizing these constraints, the dialogue showcased a strategic pivot. India reaffirmed its commitment to enhancing regional connectivity through the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and the Chabahar Port in Iran. While geopolitical instability in Iran and Afghanistan poses challenges, India's emphasis on multimodal routes demonstrates pragmatic flexibility. In an era defined by supply chain resilience and multipolar geopolitics, connectivity is no longer just an infrastructure question — it is a currency of influence. The dialogue also addressed the evolving regional security architecture. India’s proposal for counter-terrorism cooperation, capacity building, and intelligence sharing was timely and necessary. However, the dialogue echoed with familiar refrains, viz. civilizational bonds, shared destiny, and multipolar cooperation. Yet beneath the diplomatic choreography lies a haunting question. Can India transcend its historical role as Central Asia’s cultural cousin to become its strategic confidant? History whispers caution. The Burden of History: From Silk Roads to Shadow Roads For centuries, the Silk Road...

Military Defense

Kazakhstan’s Defense Ministry Confirms Russian Origin of Crashed Drones

Kazakhstan’s First Deputy Minister of Defense, Sultan Kamaletdinov, has confirmed that the unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) that crashed in the West Kazakhstan region earlier this year were launched from a Russian test site. Since January, four unidentified drones have been found in the region. Speaking to journalists on the sidelines of a Senate session, Kamaletdinov shared the preliminary findings from an investigation conducted by the Ministry of Defense. “More than 90% of the unmanned aerial vehicles discovered in the West Kazakhstan region were located within the boundaries of the 926th Main Flight Test Center of the Russian Federation,” he stated. “The airspace above this site is utilized by the center for UAV testing.” When asked who had launched the drones, Kamaletdinov responded directly: “The Russian Federation, which is testing its UAVs.” A String of Drone Incidents The first reported drone was found on February 18 in the village of Ualy in the Bokeiordinsky district. A second was discovered near the village of Atameken in the Taskalinsky district on March 18. At the end of March, a third UAV was located near the border with Russia, followed shortly by the crash of a fourth drone in the Zhanibek district. Russian Testing Grounds in Kazakhstan Russia leases three military test sites in Kazakhstan, including those associated with the 929th State Flight Test Center. These facilities are located in the West Kazakhstan and Atyrau regions and are tied to Russia’s V.P. Chkalov State Flight Test Center (929 GLITS VVS), a key institution for military aviation and weapons testing. The main base of the Chkalov Center is in Akhtubinsk, Astrakhan region, but its network of test ranges extends across Russia and Kazakhstan, spanning distances from 22 to 800 kilometers from Akhtubinsk. While the use of Kazakh territory for foreign military testing has long been a sensitive topic, Kamaletdinov’s comments underscore the enduring presence of Russian military operations within Kazakhstan’s borders.

Trump Administration

Turkmenistan Among Nations Targeted in New U.S. Travel Restrictions and Bans

Citizens from Turkmenistan face restrictions on travel to the United States under an order signed by President Donald Trump that bans or curbs the entry of nationals from 19 countries. Trump said in a statement released by the White House on Wednesday that the order, which takes effect on June 9, aims to protect national security and prevent people from overstaying their visas in the United States. The measure resembles an effort in Trump’s first term as president to tighten control of the influx of foreign nationals, prompting court challenges and criticism that such sweeping policies are discriminatory. “Many of these countries have also taken advantage of the United States in their exploitation of our visa system and their historic failure to accept back their removable nationals,” said Trump, who has cracked down on immigration since his second term began in January. A full travel ban, subject to case-by-case waivers and other exceptions, will go into effect for nationals from Afghanistan, Myanmar, Chad, the Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Haiti, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen. Turkmenistan is among seven countries whose citizens face partial restrictions, such as not being able to move permanently to the U.S. or get tourist and student visas. The other countries are Burundi, Cuba, Laos, Sierra Leone, Togo, and Venezuela. “According to the Overstay Report, Turkmenistan had a B-1/B-2 visa overstay rate of 15.35 percent and an F, M, and J visa overstay rate of 21.74 percent,” the Trump administration’s order said. “The entry into the United States of nationals of Turkmenistan as immigrants, and as nonimmigrants on B-1, B-2, B-1/B-2, F, M, and J visas is hereby suspended.” B-1 (business) and B-2 (tourism) refer to non-immigrant visas for people who want to stay temporarily in the U.S. F, M, and J visas are for non-immigrant visas used by students and other visitors enrolled in exchange programs. Turkmenistan tightly controls its population and it is difficult to get independent information about the country. Despite Turkmenistan’s vast energy resources, some of its nationals attempt to seek opportunities abroad.

Afghanistan

Interview: Taliban-Ruled Afghanistan Looks to Kazakhstan

ASTANA - War-torn Afghanistan, now led by the Taliban, is in desperate need of funding. The radical group is seizing every opportunity to secure not only financial support but also major infrastructure projects that could help rebuild the country. In late May, a delegation of Taliban representatives, led by Haji Nooruddin Azizi, the Minister of Trade and Industry, visited Kazakhstan to attend the Astana International Forum (AIF). During the summit, they spoke with The Times of Central Asia, discussing their ambitions and plans. It was their first participation in the prominent forum, made possible by Kazakhstan’s 2024 decision to remove the Taliban from its list of terrorist organizations. Since then, Kazakhstani political and business leaders have traveled to Kabul on several occasions aiming to establish closer relations with the Islamic Emirate. [caption id="attachment_32607" align="aligncenter" width="1600"] Image: TCA, Nikola Mikovic[/caption] Most recently, during a meeting with Azizi, Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev emphasized the need to strengthen political ties with Afghanistan. The economy, however, seems to play an equally important role in this relationship, with Astana aiming to increase its bilateral trade volume with Afghanistan to $3 billion in the coming years. Kazakhstan is also eyeing investing $500 million in the construction of the 115-kilometer (71 miles) Turgundi–Herat railway line, a section of the rail corridor linking Turgundi in the north of Afghanistan and Spin Boldak on the country’s border with Pakistan. The route effectively connects Central and South Asia via Afghanistan. Neighboring Turkmenistan is also interested in participating in this project, as the railway aims to connect Central Asia to Pakistan’s Karachi and Gwadar ports, providing Turkmenistan and its neighbors access to vast South Asian markets. The Turgundi–Herat–Kandahar–Spin Boldak railway line is considered a key segment of the broader Trans-Afghan Railway project, which even Russia has expressed an interest in joining. “It is still too early to discuss who will build the railway, although it is clear that Afghan companies are unlikely to be able to undertake the project,” Mirwais Ghafouri, Senior Advisor of the Afghanistan Railway Authority, told The Times of Central Asia in an interview. In his view, given that Afghanistan is a mountainous country, the entire project will cost at least $2–3 billion. The problem for Kabul is that – due to various sanctions and the fact that most countries still do not officially recognize the Taliban-led government – it cannot count on significant support from international financial institutions such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank. “But we expect Kazakhstan to invest in this project, as well as in our economy in general. The shortest route connecting Central Asia and South Asia is through Afghanistan. Once the railway is complete, Kazakhstan and other Central Asian nations will be able to use it to export their agricultural products to huge markets such as India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh”, Ghafouri stressed, pointing out that Kabul and Astana are currently working on a project feasibility study. The Taliban appear to be aiming to revive nearly all previously announced projects...

Drone Attack

Operation Spider Web Rattles Russia as Kazakhstan Battles Disinformation

Sunday, June 1, was described by some Russian commentators as the country’s own “Pearl Harbor” following a Ukrainian drone offensive that struck multiple Russian military airfields. Dubbed Operation Spider’s Web, the strikes, targeting air bases in Murmansk, Irkutsk, Ivanovo, Ryazan, and Amur regions were carried out by Ukraine’s Security Service (SBU) and sent shockwaves through Russian society. As criticism mounted over the failures of Russia’s air defense and intelligence apparatus, some voices in Russia began directing attention toward Kazakhstan, attempting to link it, however tenuously, to the Ukrainian operation. The Operation and Its Tactics The Russian Ministry of Defense confirmed the June 1 drone attacks but reported fires at only two bases, in Murmansk and Irkutsk, with no casualties. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky hailed the operation as an "absolutely brilliant result,” emphasizing that it had been in development for 18 months. The method of using vehicles disguised as civilian freight, such as trucks carrying wooden houses filled with drones, was not new. Russian special services have previously intercepted similar transport efforts, and some military bloggers had already documented such tactics. Kazakhstan’s Alleged Involvement According to the Russian authorities, operational preparations for the June 1 attack began in December 2024. Officials in Irkutsk announced a manhunt for 37-year-old Artem Timofeev, a Ukrainian former DJ suspected of organizing the drone launches from vehicles registered to him. Timofeev’s background remains murky: while some sources say he was born in Zhytomyr, others claim Donetsk. He reportedly lived in Kyiv before relocating to Russia’s Chelyabinsk region. The only known connection to Kazakhstan is unconfirmed reports of Timofeev’s departure - along with his wife, an erotic fiction writer - to Astana just days before the strikes. This limited detail, however, fueled speculation on Russian Telegram channels that drone components may have entered Russia via Kazakhstan or that its proximity made it a convenient staging point, with one baselessly claiming that "All the spare parts and explosives arrived via fraternal Kazakhstan." Official Response from Kazakhstan Kazakh officials quickly dismissed these allegations. Foreign Ministry spokesperson Aibek Smadiyarov stated, “There is no official confirmation of this. I will leave it to the theorists among our experts. I cannot comment on conspiracy theories and all sorts of mysteries.” Mazhilis deputy Konstantin Avershin characterized the accusations as “information sabotage” aimed at destabilizing Kazakhstan’s relations with Russia. “I regularly visit such production facilities and can officially state that neither components nor finished products could have fallen into the wrong hands,” he said. Military analyst and retired colonel Darkhan Daniyarov echoed this view, calling the allegations external propaganda. “Kazakhstan complies with all international norms, ensures transparent export controls, and remains a supporter of peace, neutrality, and good neighborliness,” he stated, adding that since 2022, Kazakhstan has introduced strict controls on dual-use goods to prevent their re-export for military purposes. Former KNB Chairman Nartay Dutbayev also questioned the plausibility of the claims, stating it would be easier to obtain explosives within Russia than to smuggle them from Kazakhstan. A Broader Narrative Accusations implicating Kazakhstan...

Karshi-Khanabad Air Base

U.S. Veterans Exposed to Toxic Chemicals at K2 Uzbek Base Still Waiting for Recognition

After the 9/11 attacks, thousands of U.S. troops were deployed to Karshi-Khanabad Air Base (K2) in Uzbekistan in support of operations in Afghanistan. But what many service members didn’t know at the time was that they were entering a highly contaminated environment. K2, a former Soviet military facility, was riddled with toxic substances. Matthew “Nick” Nicholls, a U.S. Army environmental technician who was part of the initial assessment team, described the site to Fox News Digital as “probably the most toxic soup of chemicals that any service member has ever been exposed to.” Nicholls reported that yellowcake uranium leaked from the ground, while jet fuel and other hazardous chemicals permeated the air and soil. Toxic fumes and dust surrounded the base. His team recommended safety measures such as gravel coverage and restricted exposure times in certain zones. While some precautions were implemented, others were ignored. Today, many of the veterans who served at K2 are battling serious health conditions, including rare forms of cancer and debilitating joint issues. Some have died young. “These are not the cancers that young people normally get,” Nicholls said. “People I served with are dying.” Between 2001 and 2005, more than 15,000 U.S. troops and thousands of contractors passed through K2. Many now face difficulties receiving adequate medical care or recognition from the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA). Although the VA has acknowledged exposure risks, it maintains that available studies do not definitively link K2 service to the illnesses reported. However, U.S. lawmakers are pressing for action. Rep. Mark Green (R-Tenn.) has criticized the Pentagon for neglecting early warnings and underestimating the risks. Alongside Rep. Stephen Lynch (D-Mass.), Green introduced a provision in the 2021 National Defense Authorization Act mandating a study into toxic exposure at K2. Nearly four years later, the study remains incomplete. “This is unjust,” Green told Fox News Digital. “The Pentagon ignored the health and safety of our service members.” Green has renewed calls for the Department of Defense to complete its report, stating that veterans continue to wait for answers. While the Pentagon has pledged a private response, veterans and advocates demand public accountability. In 2024, the VA relaxed eligibility requirements for K2-related disability benefits. But Green argues that this is insufficient. He has proposed additional legislation to ensure that medical conditions linked to toxic exposure at K2 are formally recognized by the VA. “These veterans served their country with honor,” Green said. “Now it’s time for the country to stand by them.”