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Power Struggle

Kyrgyzstan Braces for Showdown Between President Japarov and Former Security Chief Tashiyev

When Kyrgyzstan’s President Sadyr Japarov suddenly dismissed his long-time friend Kamchybek Tashiyev as head of the country’s State Committee for National Security (GKNB) on February 10, he cryptically said it was “in the interests of our state, in order to prevent a split in society.” Less than two months later, that split could be coming, and there is a possibility the country is headed for a confrontation between the two men and their supporters. The Gathering Clouds Tashiyev returned to Kyrgyzstan on March 19 after being outside the country for more than a month amid a widening corruption investigation targeting Tashiyev and people close to him. On the day he arrived, Tashiyev went to the Interior Ministry’s investigative department, where he was questioned about state-owned company Kyrgyzneftegaz. On March 17, the head of the State Tax Service, Almambet Shykmamatov, said that “Kyrgyzneftegaz was under the complete control of the GKNB.” The State Tax Service is looking into allegations that Kyrgyzneftegaz sold crude oil to private companies connected to Tashiyev’s relatives or associates who then sold the oil back to Kyrgyzneftegaz at a profit. These accusations are not new. Bolot Temirov, the host of the investigative news program Temirov Live, reported about this exact topic in January 2022. Two days after the report was posted on YouTube, police raided the office of Temirov Live, detaining Temirov on narcotics possession charges that were later dropped. Instead, Temirov was convicted of having a fake Kyrgyz passport and using false documents to cross in and out of Kyrgyzstan. At an appeals trial in November 2022, a judge ordered Temirov deported from Kyrgyzstan, and he was taken from the courtroom to the airport and put on a plane to Russia. Several journalists connected to Temirov Live have been detained, and some, including Temirov’s wife, have been imprisoned since Temirov’s expulsion from Kyrgyzstan. The State Tax Service has resurrected the Temirov Live accusations, while insisting that the evidence it collected has no relationship to the Temirov Live report. Tashiyev’s nephew, Baigazy Matisakov, who was the head of the Kyrgyzneftegaz refinery since 2021, was detained on March 18. Tashiyev’s son, Tay-Muras, who is connected to Moko Group, one of the private companies involved in purchasing oil from and then reselling it to Kyrgyzneftegaz, was questioned at the Interior Ministry. An article from March 16 states that the State Tax Service also connected Tashiyev’s brother, Shairbek, to illegal activities in the oil business. Reports about Tashiyev being questioned at the Interior Ministry on March 19 stressed that he was called in as a “witness.” Japarov Goes on the Offensive On February 10, the reason for sacking Tashiyev, who was out of the country at the time, was unclear. In the days that followed, it gradually became apparent that this was more than just a disagreement between two friends who had governed Kyrgyzstan together for five years. Japarov also dismissed top officials in the GKNB, which Tashiyev had headed since October 2020. Officials in the Interior Ministry, the prosecutor...

Kazakhstan Constitution

Kazakhstan’s Constitutional Reform and the Logic of Modernization

As The Times of Central Asia has noted throughout its special coverage, Kazakhstan’s new constitutional model is presented as modernization, not a rupture with the existing system. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has described the project as a response to a rapidly changing global landscape, arguing that the country’s basic law must be recalibrated to make governance more coherent, effective, accountable, and sustainable. That framing has included streamlining parliament, restoring the vice presidency, and redistributing authority across institutions as part of what Tokayev called a “complete reboot” of government, not a revolutionary break with existing institutions. Voters endorsed that vision in the 15 March referendum, with 87.15% backing the new constitution on 73.12% turnout. A report published the following day by the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies can be read as the most authoritative attempt to define and systematize that vision. Why This Report Matters Kazakhstan’s new constitutional report is presented as an analytical study while remaining closely aligned with official policy perspectives and institutional priorities. Published by the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, it says its purpose is to examine constitutional reform as part of a broader process of institutional and socio-economic transformation. The timing is also significant. The report was recommended for publication on 16 March 2026, one day after the referendum it describes as a milestone in the country’s political development. That makes the document best read as an authoritative explanatory text outlining the state’s interpretation of the reform. It is an effort to define the significance of the referendum for both domestic and foreign audiences. The report’s central argument is that Kazakhstan is not abandoning the presidential republic but renewing its constitutional architecture for a new stage of development. Throughout, it links constitutional change to stronger institutions, better governance, human capital, and long-term resilience. The International Framing of Reform For external audiences, the report presents this argument as a process of evolutionary reform, not revolutionary change. It traces the reform path back to political modernization launched in 2019 and accelerated by constitutional amendments in 2022. In the report’s own framing, the 2026 referendum is the next step in a longer sequence of institutional renewal. The institutional changes highlighted for foreign audiences are significant. The report points to a transition to a unicameral parliament, the creation of a Vice President, the establishment of the Halyq Kenesi as a consultative body with legislative initiative, and an expanded role for the Constitutional Court. Together, these changes are framed as a way to improve policy coordination, ensure continuity in government, and broaden channels between the state and society. The report also puts heavy emphasis on rights protection, especially in ways likely to resonate internationally. It says the reform strengthens guarantees of fair trial, the presumption of innocence, legal assistance, freedom of expression, and access to information. It also gives unusual weight to digital-era rights, including personal data, privacy, and the security of electronic communications. To reinforce that point, the report cites the Constitutional Court’s...

Road Safety

Kazakhstan Senator Proposes Restoring State Oversight of Driving Schools

Gennady Shipovskikh, a member of Kazakhstan’s Senate, has proposed restoring state oversight of driving schools, linking the initiative to a sharp increase in traffic accidents across the country. According to figures cited by the senator, the number of road accidents has nearly doubled over the past three years. In 2023, approximately 15,800 accidents were recorded in Kazakhstan. This figure rose to about 31,500 in 2024 and exceeded 36,000 in 2025. In total, more than 100,000 people were reported injured during this period. Shipovskikh attributes the worsening situation partly to reduced state supervision of driver training standards. At present, most driving schools in Kazakhstan are privately operated: of 727 institutions nationwide, 567 are privately owned, while 160 are state-run. He noted that regulatory changes in recent years have significantly altered the sector. In 2016, the licensing system for driving schools was replaced with a notification-based procedure, and in 2018, direct state oversight was abolished. He said these reforms have contributed to declining training standards and growing public distrust in the quality of instruction. As a possible solution, Shipovskikh has proposed reinstating an accreditation mechanism for driving schools. Under such a system, institutions whose graduates are repeatedly involved in traffic accidents could face the suspension or revocation of their operating permits. He also called for tighter monitoring of compliance with training requirements, particularly in the private sector, as well as the creation of a unified national driver training framework. He also highlighted the need to establish a centralized analytical platform to enable more detailed study of accident causes and to support the development of preventive policies. “We must not forget that behind every traffic accident lies a tragedy for families and society,” he said in remarks addressed to Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov. Alongside reforms in driver education, Shipovskikh proposed introducing modern traffic-management tools. Among these measures is the use of so-called “waffle markings” at congested intersections. These road markings prohibit vehicles from entering an intersection if traffic conditions prevent them from clearing it, thereby helping to reduce congestion and the risk of collisions. Such practices are already widely used in major cities worldwide and have proven effective in improving road safety. The Times of Central Asia previously reported that Senator Zhanna Asanova had proposed allowing private laboratories to conduct medical examinations of drivers for intoxication as part of wider discussions on road safety policy.

Constitutional Reform

Kazakhstan Prepares for Its First-Ever Administrative Amnesty

President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has announced plans to introduce Kazakhstan’s first-ever administrative amnesty. The statement was made during a ceremony marking the adoption of the country’s new Constitution. In the past, Kazakhstan has periodically granted amnesties to individuals convicted of criminal offenses, often timed to coincide with national anniversaries. The most recent such amnesty was carried out in 2025 to mark the 30th anniversary of the Constitution. The new initiative is linked to the adoption of the updated Constitution. On March 15, a nationwide referendum was held in which a majority of voters supported the new basic law. The document is scheduled to enter into force on July 1, 2026. Speaking at the ceremony, Tokayev said that constitutional reform represents a transition to a new stage in the country’s development and requires a reassessment of the relationship between the state and society. “The People’s Constitution is a strategic mandate of trust and a new social contract aimed at long-term goals and horizons of progress,” the president said. He instructed parliament to adopt an amnesty law by the end of the current session. The proposed amnesty is expected to cover a range of criminal and administrative offenses that do not pose a threat to public or national security. The current parliamentary session is due to conclude at the end of June. Under the new Constitution, however, the powers of the existing parliament will cease on July 1, 2026, the same day the new constitutional framework enters into force. In the near future, five new constitutional laws are expected to be submitted to parliament, including legislation governing the presidency, the Kurultai (the future parliament), the Halyk Kenesi (People's Council), as well as laws regulating the status of the capital and the country’s administrative-territorial structure. According to Tokayev, eight existing constitutional laws and more than 60 regulatory acts, including key legal codes, will also require revision. These legislative changes are expected to be synchronized with upcoming parliamentary elections. Elections to the new unicameral parliament are likely to take place before the opening of the next parliamentary session, which traditionally begins on September 1. As a result, voting could be held within the coming months. “By that time, preparation of the necessary legal framework must be fully completed. The comprehensive transformation of Kazakhstan’s legal and political system will continue throughout this year and possibly into the next,” the president said. According to Tokayev, the reforms envisage the creation of new state institutions, as well as structural and personnel changes within existing government bodies.

Kazakhstan's Constitutional Referendum

New Constitution Backed by Majority as Kazakhstan Reports Record Referendum Turnout

Kazakhstan’s Central Referendum Commission has announced the official results of the nationwide vote on the draft of a new constitution. According to the commission, voter turnout reached 73.12%, with a total of 9,127,192 citizens participating. Preliminary results show that 7,954,667 voters or 87.15%, supported the proposed amendments. A further 898,099 citizens voted against, while 146,558 ballots were declared invalid. On 15 March Kazakhstan held a national referendum, proposed by President Kassym‑Jomart Tokayev, on whether to adopt a new constitution. The draft constitution introduces major institutional reforms, including replacing the country’s bicameral parliament with a single chamber, restoring the post of vice-president (abolished in 1996), and creating a new People’s Council (Kurultai) with powers to initiate legislation and referendums. The reforms also allow the president to appoint key officials, and redefine some constitutional provisions, including the definition of marriage. Critics say the changes could strengthen presidential authority and potentially affect future term limits. Regional voting patterns reveal several notable trends. First, Pavlodar region recorded the highest level of support, with 94.14% of voters backing the amendments. Traditionally, Kazakhstan’s northern regions have demonstrated more moderate support for decisions initiated by the central authorities. This tendency was reflected in the Karaganda and North Kazakhstan regions, where support stood at around 83%. Second, two western regions, Aktobe (93.96%) and Mangistau (93.40%), also showed some of the strongest support for constitutional reform. Mangistau was widely regarded during the era of former president Nursultan Nazarbayev as one of the country’s most protest-prone areas. The unrest in January 2022 began with a strike by oil workers in the city of Zhanaozen. Third, residents of Almaty demonstrated a higher share of protest voting than those in the country’s other major cities, Astana and Shymkent, with nearly 30% voting against the amendments. Voter turnout in Almaty reached 33.43%, significantly higher than the slightly more than 25% recorded during the 2024 referendum on the construction of a nuclear power plant. Among those who cast ballots in Almaty, 71.36% supported the 2026 constitution. In Astana and Shymkent, just over 86% voted in favor. Turnout figures had already been analyzed a day earlier by Almaty-based political analyst Andrei Chebotarev on his Telegram channel. He cited preliminary data from the Central Referendum Commission indicating that 9,126,850 citizens, or 73.24% of the electorate, had participated in the vote. Chebotarev compared these figures with turnout in previous referendums. He noted that 7,985,769 citizens (68.05%) took part in the referendum on constitutional amendments held on June 5, 2022, while 7,820,204 voters (63.66%) participated in the October 6, 2024 referendum on the construction of a nuclear power plant. “It is evident that the increase in participation was primarily driven by the political significance of the referendum’s subject matter, namely, the draft of a new Constitution. The relatively frequent use of referendums in Kazakhstan over the past four years may also have contributed,” Chebotarev suggested. Political analyst Daniyar Ashimbayev also highlighted the high turnout, noting that participation exceeded the 70% threshold for the first time. He argued that the...

Armed Forces

Turkmenistan’s Army Facing a Growing Exodus of Personnel

Turkmenistan’s Ministry of Defense is attempting to halt mass resignations among officers. Military personnel who have left their units without permission are being offered the opportunity to return to service on the condition that they are transferred to their home region. However, this measure has so far produced little effect and does not address the army’s core problems. Turkmenistan’s Minister of Defense, Begench Gundogdyyev, has sought to revise the government’s approach to the personnel crisis in the armed forces. At a meeting with unit commanders reviewing the results of the first two months of 2026, he addressed the issue of widespread officer resignations. Several commanders reportedly asked him to approve discharge requests for subordinates who had not reported to their units for an extended period. According to a source cited by turkmen.news, the minister reacted sharply and stated that he would not sign any such documents. “Lock them up in the armoury if you must, but don’t let them leave the army,” the source quoted him as saying. A few days after the meeting, some officers reportedly received phone calls from the Ministry of Defense offering them the chance to return to duty. In exchange, they were promised transfers to their home region. Such a practice had not existed previously. Since Soviet times, military personnel were typically assigned to serve in regions other than their own so that, in the event of unrest, they would defend state authority rather than side with local populations. Now, an exception has been made for those seeking discharge after leaving their units without permission, in some cases for more than a year. However, according to sources, almost no one has accepted the offer, and the number of officers wishing to leave the army continues to grow. Officers cite housing as the main problem. Two years ago, a ministerial order abolished the option to privatize service housing, which had previously been available based on length of service. Following this decision, the outflow of personnel reportedly intensified. About a year ago, the Ministry of Defense proposed that officers purchase newly built apartments with their own funds, requiring them to cover 100% of the cost while also prohibiting subsequent resale. Many officers view these conditions as unreasonable. According to them, several years of work abroad, for example in Russia, make it possible to save enough money to buy a home, a car, and secure their children’s future. Military personnel also report insufficient pay, hazing, and corruption affecting not only conscripts but officers as well. As a result, some officers who are unable to formally resign reportedly remain in service until retirement age. Sources claim that morale and discipline in the armed forces have deteriorated to such an extent that any conflict with commanders can prompt an officer to submit a resignation request and stop reporting for duty. The problems facing Turkmenistan’s armed forces come amid broader regional tensions. On February 27, Pakistan’s defense minister, Khawaja Asif, announced what he described as the start of an “open war”...