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Cancer Treatment

Uzbekistan Cancer Care Reforms to be Launched in 2027

Uzbekistan plans to overhaul cancer care from 2027, with reforms aimed at detecting tumors earlier and expanding palliative support for patients outside the country’s main medical centers. The National Cancer Control Program, developed with the participation of the World Health Organization and international experts, aims to bring oncology services closer to international standards while improving access to care in the regions. The proposals point to one of the central weaknesses in cancer care across much of the region: patients are often diagnosed late and forced to travel to major cities for specialist treatment. Two key metrics for the plan are firstly to increase targeted screening coverage for common cancers is to 60%, while the five-year survival rate among cancer patients is expected to increase from the current 35% to at least 45%. To achieve these goals, primary healthcare workers will receive additional training to identify early signs of cancer and ensure timely referrals to specialized medical institutions. That would put family doctors and local clinics at the center of the reform, rather than leaving patients to navigate the system only after symptoms have become harder to treat. The focus on primary care also fits a wider shift in Uzbekistan’s health policy. There is already a major effort to move more treatment and prevention work out of hospitals and into local clinics, with early intervention presented as a way to reduce pressure on specialist facilities. Officials also plan to establish rapid diagnostic pathways to shorten the time between initial examinations and confirmed diagnoses. Radiation therapy services will be also be modernized, with aging cobalt therapy equipment gradually replaced with modern linear accelerators. The equipment upgrades follow other recent moves to expand Uzbekistan’s specialist cancer infrastructure. TCA reported earlier this year that a Nuclear Medicine Center under construction in Tashkent is expected to be equipped with PET/CT scanners, a cyclotron, a radiopharmaceutical laboratory, and Gamma Knife and CyberKnife systems. A significant part of the reform package concerns palliative and hospice care. Beginning September 1, 2026, Uzbekistan plans to establish a unified nationwide system by integrating medical and social services. Mobile palliative care teams providing home-based medical and social services will be created, with every region of the country getting its own hospice institutions. A children’s palliative care center for patients with severe and incurable illnesses is also planned in the Samarkand region. The palliative-care proposals address one of the more visible gaps in Uzbekistan’s cancer system. Uzbekistan’s first children’s oncology hospice opened in Tashkent in August 2022, while plans for an adult hospice in the capital had been delayed for years. Authorities expect palliative and hospice care coverage to reach at least 80% by 2030. Patients requiring home care will receive specialized equipment, including functional beds and mattresses, through a voucher system. Family members will also be able to access a new “Family Support” service. The proposals additionally include social support measures for employees of state healthcare institutions. These include partial compensation of university tuition fees for the children of medical workers with...

Political Parties

Kazakhstan’s Party Landscape Enters a Decisive Week

Kazakhstan’s party system may be approaching one of its most consequential turning points in years. With Amanat scheduled to hold a party congress on June 12 and the newly registered Adilet party planning its own gathering on June 14, speculation is growing that the country’s dominant political organization could be reshaped, merged, or rebranded ahead of elections to the new unicameral Kurultai. The immediate question is whether Amanat, the successor to the party originally created around Kazakhstan’s first president, Nursultan Nazarbayev, will remain the major pro-presidential force or whether its extensive organizational resources will be drawn into Adilet, a new party aligned with President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s political agenda and reform program. For now, no merger has been officially announced, but the timing of the two congresses has made the possibility central to Kazakhstan’s political debate. Adilet held its founding congress on May 7, and was officially registered by the Ministry of Justice on June 1. It is led by Aibek Dadebay, the former head of Tokayev’s administration, and presents itself as a pro-presidential force built around the language of justice, responsibility, and reform. Its emergence adds an eighth officially registered party to Kazakhstan’s system, but its political importance lies less in the number of parties than in the possibility that it could become the new vehicle for the president’s loyalist coalition. That makes Adilet’s appearance significant in a regional context. For many years, Kyrgyzstan was often regarded as Central Asia’s most advanced state in terms of party development and political pluralism. Today, however, Kazakhstan has become a more influential reference point for party-building, one that is attracting attention in Tashkent and Dushanbe, while Kyrgyzstan has largely moved away from party-centered politics. Kazakhstan has developed a multi-party model in which several major political organizations are represented in parliament. The system seeks to balance the interests of the state with those of various social groups and constituencies. Individual elements of this model can be adjusted or transformed as political demands evolve. For example, as public nostalgia for communism began to fade, the Communist People’s Party of Kazakhstan quietly dropped the word “Communist” from its public identity. Ironically, when the party was originally established, the word “People’s” had been added to distinguish it from the Communist Party of Kazakhstan, from which many of its founders had emerged. Through such splits, mergers, and rebrandings, Kazakhstan has gradually constructed a party system that encompasses organizations representing a broad spectrum of society, from state officials and business interests to rural communities. In both Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, five political parties are officially registered. Their political spectrum broadly mirrors that of Kazakhstan: a dominant ruling party, a socialist or communist party, and organizations positioning themselves as democratic, people’s, agrarian, or environmental movements. Kyrgyzstan, by contrast, has taken a markedly different path. In 2025, the country completed its transition from a party-centered political system to one in which parties play a secondary role. Elections to the Jogorku Kenesh are now conducted primarily through a majoritarian model that emphasizes individual...

Parliamentary Elections

Kazakhstan’s August Elections: Who Will Enter the New Parliament?

On July 1, Kazakhstan’s new Constitution will come into force, triggering the dissolution of the current bicameral parliament. According to political observers, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev is expected to sign a decree in early July calling elections to a new unicameral legislature, to be known as the Kurultai. No date has yet been formally announced, but analysts expect the vote to take place in the second half of August, most likely on either August 16 or August 23. On June 1, Kazakhstan officially registered a new political party, Adilet, meaning “Justice,” led by Aybek Dadebay, the former head of Tokayev’s presidential administration. As a result, eight political parties are now officially registered ahead of the election campaign, six of which are currently represented in the lower house of parliament. So far, however, none of the parties has shown significant signs of gearing up for the campaign. “Kazakhstan’s political parties know perfectly well that parliamentary elections will take place in the second half of August, that they will be conducted under a proportional representation system, and that skipping the election is not advisable because it could affect party financing,” political analyst Gaziz Abishev wrote on his Telegram channel. “They could already be actively working to revive their party brands and promote the public figures who will become the faces of the campaign. Yet the passivity is obvious.” In his view, internal party, inter-party, and broader elite-level processes are currently underway, suggesting that some form of political transformation is taking place behind the scenes. The emergence of Adilet appears to have influenced the calculations of Kazakhstan’s political class. The arrival of a second openly pro-presidential party introduces a significant element of uncertainty into a system long dominated by Amanat. Amanat traces its roots to former President Nursultan Nazarbayev’s political machine. Originally known as Otan, or “Fatherland,” it became Nur Otan in 2006 before being rebranded as Amanat following the January 2022 unrest. Former presidential candidate Amirzhan Kosanov believes the creation of Adilet reflects Tokayev’s desire to create political competition within the ruling elite while presenting it internationally as evidence of political pluralism. “Given the executive branch’s influence over election commissions and the largely artificial nature of the party system, the campaign beginning in July will most likely resemble a controlled competition between two principal actors: the ruling Amanat party and the new Adilet party,” Kosanov argued. For critics of the system, the upcoming elections increasingly resemble a contest between two pro-presidential forces. Organizationally, Amanat remains a formidable political machine. It inherited from the Nur Otan era an extensive nationwide network of regional branches and primary organizations embedded in large workplaces and institutions. Adilet, meanwhile, has already secured backing from a wide range of business associations, professional groups, technology organizations, creative-industry bodies, and civic initiatives. Its political council also includes senior executives from some of Kazakhstan’s largest companies, including Qarmet, Kazakhtelecom, and Allur Auto. Despite this, few analysts believe Kazakhstan is moving toward an American-style two-party system. Amanat and Adilet share broadly similar political...

Armed Forces

Kyrgyzstan’s Armed Forces Double in Size Amid Rising Defense Spending

Kyrgyzstan’s armed forces have roughly doubled in size since 2018 amid a sharp increase in defense spending, military rearmament, and improved social benefits for service personnel, according to General Staff chief Tariel Otonbaev. On May 29, Kyrgyzstan marked the 34th anniversary of the establishment of its national armed forces. Speaking at the anniversary event, Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers Adylbek Kasymaliev said the development of the country’s modern military had been shaped by the armed incursions in the Batken region in 1999-2000 and the border conflict with Tajikistan in 2022. In an interview with The Times of Central Asia, Otonbaev said today’s military differs significantly from the force that existed five or ten years ago. “Over the past five years, military funding has increased by 300%. Today, approximately 2% of the country’s GDP is allocated to defense. Most importantly, interest among young people in military service has grown,” he said. According to Otonbaev, some military units faced shortages of contract personnel of between 30% and 40% just a few years ago. Today, staffing levels among contract soldiers exceed 95%. Otonbaev also highlighted improvements in living conditions for military personnel. More than 900 service members are expected to receive housing this year, while others receive monthly government compensation for rental costs ranging from $170 to $205. Food standards have also improved, he said. The daily caloric intake provided to service members has increased from 1,800 to 4,800 calories, while the range of food products available has been expanded. “The state has begun fulfilling its social obligations. Arms procurement has become systematic, and today the military is fully supplied with the equipment and weapons it needs,” Otonbaev said. According to General Staff data, Kyrgyzstan’s armed forces now number approximately 23,000 personnel, compared with about 11,000 in 2018. In addition, roughly 300,000 citizens are registered as reservists. The country’s military budget has reached $654 million. Otonbaev said the armed forces are closely studying lessons from modern conflicts and adapting training programs to new forms of warfare. Specialized units within the military analyze emerging trends and oversee their incorporation into force development and training. Particular attention is being paid to unmanned systems. According to Otonbaev, modern warfare has been transformed by the widespread use of drones and artificial intelligence technologies. Kyrgyzstan acquired its first combat drones in late 2021, purchasing Turkish-made Bayraktar TB2 unmanned aerial vehicles. Since then, the country has purchased additional unmanned systems from other suppliers and has begun developing its own fixed-wing and rotary-wing military drones. The first domestically produced models were showcased during the Rubezh-2025 military exercises held by the Collective Security Treaty Organization, marking another step in the development of Kyrgyzstan’s domestic defense industry. The rapid expansion of the armed forces is part of Bishkek’s effort to build national defense capabilities following recent regional security challenges and adapt its military doctrine to the changing nature of modern warfare.

Law and Order

Tokayev Criticizes Lawmakers Over “Penaltystan” Label for Kazakhstan

Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has criticized lawmakers who have referred to Kazakhstan as “Penaltystan,” or “Aiyppulstan” in Kazakh, over what critics describe as the state’s excessive reliance on fines and administrative penalties. Speaking at a meeting on the development of Alatau City, Kazakhstan’s planned smart city near Almaty, Tokayev argued that maintaining public order and security is essential at a time of growing international instability and military conflicts around the world. “In today’s turbulent environment, amid military conflicts around the world, peace and stability are vital for our country,” Tokayev said. “Without them, there can be no reforms or positive changes. Therefore, law-enforcement agencies must apply strict measures and penalties for violations.” The president then took aim at critics of the government’s law-and-order policies. “Some individuals who dislike and hold our country in contempt, and unfortunately there are members of parliament among them, call our legal measures ‘Penaltystan’ or ‘Aiyppulstan,’” Tokayev said. “Let them continue to demonstrate the limitations of their judgment. Our people need public order and security. We will not deviate from this path and will continue to pursue the policy of ‘Law and Order’ with determination. This is what our citizens demand.” The term “Penaltystan” is widely associated with Azat Peruashev, a member of the Mazhilis, the lower house of Kazakhstan’s parliament, and leader of the Ak Zhol faction. Peruashev used the phrase in 2024 during debates over amendments to Kazakhstan’s Administrative Offenses Code. At the time, he criticized what he described as disproportionately high penalties imposed on businesses for relatively minor violations. “I am ashamed of you, gentlemen officials,” Peruashev said at the time. “Leave your comfortable offices at least once and put yourselves in the position of an entrepreneur or even a consumer. You are building some kind of ‘Penaltystan.’ The Ak Zhol faction wants to build a normal and balanced market economy.” Earlier this year, Peruashev acknowledged that he had used an unfortunate term. Following Tokayev’s remarks, he again distanced himself from the expression, saying his characterization had been incorrect. The exchange comes during a period of political change in Kazakhstan. As The Times of Central Asia previously reported, voters approved constitutional reforms in March that will replace the current bicameral parliament with a single-chamber Kurultai. Elections to the new body are scheduled for August. Tokayev’s comments underline a continuing debate in Kazakhstan over law-and-order enforcement, and whether heavy administrative penalties place an undue burden on citizens and entrepreneurs.

Tourism

Turkmenistan Eases Restrictions for Foreign Tourists

Turkmenistan has begun gradually easing restrictions on foreign visitors and tourists, though local residents and human rights advocates say the changes have had little impact on the daily lives of the country’s citizens. Reports of a more accommodating approach toward foreign travelers have emerged from both tourists and representatives of the international tourism industry. Canadian traveler Elise Williams said that before visiting Turkmenistan in early 2026, her tour operator advised her not to stray far from her hotel and to avoid taking photographs independently in public places. Upon arrival, however, she found the situation less restrictive than expected. “I felt fairly free and was able to take many photographs in different locations,” Williams said. Tourism industry representatives have also noted signs of change. Dylan Harris, head of the British travel company Lupine Travel, said visas for Turkmenistan are now being issued more quickly and that his company has not experienced a single visa refusal over the past year. According to Harris, the application process has become significantly easier following the introduction of an electronic visa system. He believes the authorities are seeking to make the country more accessible to the outside world. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Turkmenistan developed a reputation as one of the most closed countries in the post-Soviet region. Foreign visitors frequently encountered visa denials, travel restrictions, and limitations on photography. A new phase of liberalization began in 2025 with the launch of the electronic visa system, which tourism operators say has reduced bureaucratic barriers and made travel planning more predictable. However, residents interviewed by independent media outlets argue that the recent changes primarily benefit foreigners rather than Turkmen citizens themselves. While international visitors may face fewer restrictions, locals say longstanding controls affecting domestic travel, access to information, and everyday freedoms remain largely unchanged. The contrast highlights the limited nature of Turkmenistan’s opening. While the government appears to be taking cautious steps to attract more foreign visitors, the country remains one of the most tightly controlled societies in the region. For now, the easing of tourist restrictions appears to be aimed more at improving Turkmenistan’s international accessibility than at broader domestic liberalization.