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Asset Recovery

Kazakhstan Claims Success in Asset Recovery, But Transparency Questions Linger

Kazakhstan’s authorities have presented the results of the campaign to recover illegally acquired or transferred assets as a major success. In September 2025, during his address to the nation, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev signaled a transition from asset recovery to broader investor-protection priorities. According to Prosecutor General Berik Asylov, recoveries totaling hundreds of billions of tenge have been returned to the state since the launch of the asset-recovery campaign. This includes not only cash and securities, but also land plots, business assets, and luxury property. Overall, official estimates put the total value of assets clawed back under the campaign at around 1.2–1.3 trillion tenge (roughly $2.3 billion), though only part of this amount has been directly credited to the state budget. A tax on indulgence When the law “On the Return of Illegally Acquired Assets to the State” was adopted in 2023, it was presented not merely as a fiscal tool but as a means of restoring historical justice. As part of the concept of building a “Fair Kazakhstan,” the authorities promised that assets once hidden in offshore accounts or invested in luxury real estate abroad would be redirected toward social development. Two years later, it is clear that the assets have indeed been returned. Yet instead of a transparent process in which citizens could clearly see how recovered funds were being used, the system has created a dense layer of bureaucracy. Money has been accumulated in the Special State Fund (SSF), the operating mechanisms of which continue to raise questions among experts. Despite official reports highlighting the construction of social facilities financed with seized assets, public debate over the transparency of the fund has not subsided. The authorities have also declined to publish the names of former asset owners or detailed information on specific accounts, enterprises, or land plots transferred to the state. A defining feature of the campaign was the rejection of a purely punitive approach. Instead, the government introduced a mechanism of “voluntary return,” effectively offering members of the elite a compromise: return swathes of your illegally acquired wealth, and the state will refrain from pursuing past offenses. The law clearly defined the target group, focusing on individuals owning assets valued at more than 13 million MCI, or roughly $100 million. This ensured pressure on large capital holders while shielding medium-sized businesses. At the same time, the closed nature of the list created a powerful instrument of leverage over the business elite. Experts have described this approach as a “tax on indulgence.” Rather than engaging in lengthy and uncertain international legal battles over offshore assets, Astana has opted for pretrial settlements. In legal terms, this takes the form of procedural agreements in which suspects acknowledge wrongdoing, return assets, and receive reduced sentences or exemption from liability. The most prominent and controversial example is the case of Kairat Satybaldy, a nephew of former president Nursultan Nazarbayev. After returning assets reportedly worth approximately $1.4 billion, he received a reduced sentence and was released ahead of schedule. From a fiscal standpoint,...

Shooting

Thousands Donate in Name of Uzbek-American Student Killed at Brown University

A fundraising campaign dedicated to an 18-year-old Uzbek-American student who was killed in a shooting at Brown University in Rhode Island has collected more than half a million U.S. dollars. MukhammadAziz Umurzokov, who went to high school in Virginia, and another Brown student, 19-year-old Ella Cook of Alabama, died in the attack in a university building on December 13. Nine other students were injured. Law enforcement agencies are searching for the suspect and have not publicly commented on a possible motive. One of Umurzokov’s sisters, Samira Umurzokova, set up a GoFundMe page that had drawn more than 10,000 donations totaling over $500,000 by Thursday. “Our family is incredibly devastated by this loss. Any donations will help significantly with any expenses my family will have to face, and the rest of the funds will be donated to charity in his name,” the page reads. Without providing personal details, it lists a William Ackman as making the top donation of $18,000. American billionaire investor William, or Bill, Ackman, has been active in other fundraising campaigns, including the GoFundMe campaign for Ahmed al-Ahmed, a man who disarmed one of the two shooters in the attack at Sydney’s Bondi Beach that killed 15 people on December 14. Al-Ahmed was hospitalized after being shot. One of two gunmen, believed to have been inspired by the Islamic State group, was killed; the second was injured and has been charged with murder and terrorism. Umurzokova has said that her brother, who was a first-year student at Brown, had suffered Chiari malformation, in which brain tissue extends into the spinal canal, as a child. He wanted to become a doctor so that he could help people in the same way that he was helped, she said. “He’s a real person. He had real ambitious goals and aspirations, like anyone else would,” Umurzokova said in a CNN interview. “I want people to know that him and the other victims are not just numbers. They’re not just statistics. They’re real people and real families are genuinely hurting like crazy because of their loss.” Umurzokova said her parents wanted people to “hear their son’s name, see their son’s picture, instead of, you know, seeing ‘two dead nine injured.´” Cook, the other student who was killed in the Brown shooting, was a sophomore focusing on French and mathematics-economics.

Medical Workers

Kazakhstan Increases Criminal Penalties for Attacks on Medical Workers

Kazakhstan’s Mazhilis (lower house of parliament) has approved amendments to the Criminal and Criminal Procedure Codes aimed at strengthening penalties for violence and threats against medical personnel, including doctors, paramedics, and ambulance drivers, while on duty. The legislation introduces a new article establishing specific criminal liability for actions that endanger the life, health, and safety of medical workers. The law also defines penalties based on the severity of the offense. For threats of violence, penalties include: A fine of 200 to 500 monthly calculation indices (MCI), with 1 MCI currently equivalent to $7.66; Or corrective labor in the same amount; Or community service for up to 300 hours; Or restriction or deprivation of liberty for up to 2 years. If the threats occur under aggravating circumstances, the punishment increases to 2-3 years of restricted freedom or imprisonment. For acts of violence not posing a risk to life or health, penalties include: A fine of 500 to 1,000 MCI; Or corrective labor; Or community service for up to 600 hours; Or restriction or deprivation of liberty for 2-3 years. The most serious offenses, violence that endangers life or health, carry prison sentences of 5 to 10 years. If aggravating factors are present, the term increases to 7 to 12 years. The amendments also clarify the jurisdiction of internal affairs bodies, granting them authority to conduct preliminary investigations and inquiries into cases involving attacks on medical workers. According to the Ministry of Health, more than 280 assaults on healthcare personnel have been recorded in Kazakhstan since 2019. In tandem with the legal changes, the government is expanding protective measures. Round-the-clock police posts have been established at 152 hospitals nationwide. In Astana and Almaty, a pilot project has equipped 10 ambulance teams with smart video badges. The Ministry of Health reports that these devices have helped reduce conflicts with patients by 90%. In July, The Times of Central Asia reported that Kazakhstan’s health minister had demanded an end to violence against medical workers, saying attacks on doctors and ambulance crews had crossed a “red line” and threatened the safety of the profession.

Ethnic Violence

Tajikistan Condemns Fatal Stabbing of Boy in Russia Citing Ethnic Hatred

Tajikistan has condemned what it called an “ethnic hatred” attack in Russia after a 10-year-old boy from a Tajik family was stabbed to death at a school near Moscow, in a rare public rebuke aimed at a key partner for labor migration and security ties. The killing happened on December 16 in the village of Gorki-2 in the Odintsovo district of the Moscow region, according to Russia’s Investigative Committee, which said a minor attacked people at an educational institution, killing one child and injuring a school security guard. A video of the attack circulated on Russian social media after the incident. According to reporting by Asia-Plus, footage published by the Telegram channel Mash shows the teenage assailant approaching a group of students while holding a knife and asking them about their nationality. The video then shows a school security guard attempting to intervene before the attacker sprays him with pepper spray and stabs him. The assailant subsequently turns the knife on the children, fatally wounding the 10-year-old boy. A statement released by Tajikistan’s interior ministry said it feared the case could “serve as a pretext for incitement and provocation by certain radical nationalist groups to commit similar crimes.” Tajikistan’s response also drew attention after the foreign ministry said the attack was “motivated by ethnic hatred.” Dushanbe subsequently summoned the Russian ambassador to protest the attack, handing him a missive “demanding that Russia conduct an immediate, objective, and impartial investigation into this tragic incident.” The condemnation is particularly notable as Tajikistan rarely issues public criticism of Russia, which remains its main destination for migrant labor and a key security partner. According to Russian media, the attacker, who has admitted their guilt, subscribed to neo-Nazi channels and had sent his classmates a racist manifesto entitled "My Rage," in which he expressed hostility toward Jews, Muslims, anti-fascists, and liberals, a few days before the incident. Tajik migrants form one of the largest foreign labor communities in Russia and across Central Asia. Millions of Tajik citizens work abroad each year, most of them in Russia, sending remittances that are a critical source of income for families at home. According to the World Bank, remittances account for roughly half of Tajikistan’s gross domestic product in some years, making labor migration a cornerstone of the country’s economy. Many Tajik migrants work in construction, services, and transport, often in precarious conditions and with limited legal protections. The killing comes as Central Asian migrants in Russia face growing pressure to enlist in the war in Ukraine, with coercion through detention, deportation threats, and promises of legal status having been reported. The killing has also renewed scrutiny of rising xenophobia in Russia, particularly toward migrants from Central Asia. The Times of Central Asia has previously reported an increase in hate speech, harassment, and violent attacks targeting migrants, especially following major security incidents. Human Rights Watch has warned that Central Asian migrants in Russia face growing discrimination, arbitrary police checks, and racially motivated abuse, trends that have intensified in recent...

Corruption

In Turkmenistan, Government Offices Charge Citizens for Blank Sheets of Paper

In government offices across Turkmenistan, the provision of routine documents is increasingly accompanied not only by official service fees but also by unofficial, unrecorded charges. While these corrupt schemes are nominally presented as “paper fees,” in practice they have become an expected and often unavoidable part of the process. The practice of bribery is not new to Turkmenistan’s public sector. Citizens seeking almost any type of certificate typically pay not only the state-mandated fee but also an unofficial surcharge, money that is not documented on receipts or in public accounts. A particularly telling example is the issuance of marital status certificates at the Ashgabat Registry Office. Just a few years ago, such a certificate cost the equivalent of $2.90 and could be processed in two days. Today, the official fee has increased to $4.20. But the total cost is often higher due to what staff describe as a payment for the sheet of paper used in the application process. The process typically unfolds as follows: visitors are directed by an employee to one of three service windows. There, they are informed of the official fee and instructed where to make the payment. After paying, they return to the same window, where they are handed a blank sheet of paper and asked to sign it, along with a request for an additional $2.90 to cover the application preparation. Sample application forms are posted on the office walls, and, in theory, visitors could fill out their own forms. However, blank sheets are not made freely available. Those who bring their own paper in advance can complete the process at no extra cost. But most visitors, assuming their official payment covers all necessary services, arrive empty-handed. At that point, they are left with few choices: pay the extra fee, leave the office to find a single sheet of paper, or purchase an entire pack, which can cost up to $26.10, an unreasonable expense for a one-time need. Given the long queues at the registry office, most citizens choose convenience over principle and pay the additional $2.90. Over time, this has turned informal paper charges into a de facto component of the bureaucratic process. The total revenue generated through these payments remains unknown and unaccounted for. But for many visitors, the priority is obtaining their documents without further delay. What was once seen as irregular has become normalized, a silent, systemic practice that continues to operate in plain sight, without raising eyebrows.

Shooting

“I Miss Everything:” Friends, Officials Mourn Uzbek Student Slain in the U.S.

MukhammadAziz Umurzokov, one of two students killed by a gunman at Brown University on Dec. 13, seemed to be making the most of life after moving to the United States from Uzbekistan with his family some years ago. He hoped to become a neurosurgeon, according to a sister, and his acceptance into the elite university in Rhode Island signaled that he was on the way to achieving his goals. So, the killing of Umurzokov, along with that of student Ella Cook of Alabama, hit hard for some people who, though accustomed to periodic news of mass shootings in the United States, were especially saddened that lives of such promise ended in violence. In Umurzokov’s case, he was mourned from the halls of power and diplomacy in the Uzbek capital of Tashkent to the suburbs of Richmond, Virginia, where he went to high school. “The loss of innocent lives as a result of this tragedy is a heavy loss for all of us,” Akhror Burkhanov, press secretary for Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said on X. “Representatives of the missions of the Republic of Uzbekistan in the United States are in constant contact with the relatives of the deceased and are working closely with the relevant U.S. agencies on all issues.” Jonathan Henick, the U.S. ambassador to Uzbekistan, also expressed his sadness over the killings at Brown. “We extend our sincere condolences to Mr. Umurzokov’s family, friends, and fellow students and mourn the loss of his bright future,” Henick said in a statement. He added the Uzbek-language phrase: “Marhumni Xudo rahmat qilsin” (May God have mercy on the deceased). The Uzbek American Association issued a tribute to the Uzbek student, saying: “His passing has left an immeasurable void in the hearts of his family, friends, classmates, and the broader Uzbek American community.” Some comments from old friends in the United States suggested that Umurzokov, as a member of the Uzbek diaspora, was integrated into the rhythms of American life. “I miss everything,” Jameson Huang said on the GoFundMe page that was set up by Umurzokov’s sister, Samira Umurzokova. “Let’s catch up one day in Publix, drinking Arizonas and eating mac and cheese. Let’s race our cars and see who’s faster. Let’s redo the chaos of the college application cycle and the late night calls and hangouts. One day man, one day. For now, rest easy and stay safe up there.”