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Justice

Kazakh Lawmaker Proposes Tougher Penalties for Poaching

Kazakh Senator Andrei Lukin has called for tougher penalties for poaching amid a rise in violations, including illegal fish exports and document forgery. In a parliamentary inquiry, he urged a review of existing sanctions, greater transparency in industry subsidies through digital platforms, and stronger independence for relevant scientific organizations. Current legislation provides for fines of up to $27,000 and prison sentences of up to 10 years. However, Lukin argued that these measures are insufficient. According to his data, 84,000 tons of fish were seized from illegal trade between 2022 and 2025. At the same time, stocks of commercially important species are declining. In Lake Zaysan, pikeperch volumes fell from 9,300 to 4,000 tons, while carp has nearly disappeared. The senator also highlighted discrepancies between fishing quotas and export volumes. For example, with quotas set at 16,000 tons for 2022-2024, approximately 32,000 tons of pikeperch were exported, with a total value of around $115 million. He further criticized the effectiveness of the 2021-2030 fisheries development program. Of the $564 million allocated, only $38 million has been used. Cases of embezzlement of budget funds and the repeated use of documents in processing export licenses have also been identified. In response, Lukin proposed tightening export controls, ensuring compliance between quotas and actual catch volumes, and accelerating the rollout of the E-Fish digital system. The E-Fish system, mandatory since August 2025, automates the recording of catches and product turnover. According to the Ministry of Agriculture of Kazakhstan, more than 95% of market participants are registered in the system, which has reduced the shadow market by 2,000 tons. The Times of Central Asia previously reported on the expansion of state support for aquaculture, despite continued growth in fish production.

Kashagan

Kazakhstan–Kashagan Dispute Heads to International Arbitration

Kazakhstan’s Vice Minister of Justice, Daniel Vaisov, announced that the country’s claims over the removal of sulfur storage limits at the Kashagan field, operated by North Caspian Operating Company N.V. (NCOC), will be heard under the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes framework, which is headquartered in Washington. NCOC includes Shell, TotalEnergies, Eni, ExxonMobil, CNPC, Inpex, and KazMunayGas. In March 2023, an inspection of the Kashagan consortium by Kazakhstan’s environmental authorities identified violations of environmental legislation, including the excessive storage of sulfur volumes exceeding permitted limits. The resulting claim was valued at around $5 billion, according to the authorities. A court of first instance in Kazakhstan ruled in favor of the environmental authorities, according to Vaisov. Six of the seven NCOC participants, excluding KazMunayGas, challenged the ruling in a Kazakh court in March this year. At the same time, the foreign investors initiated international arbitration proceedings. “This claim was filed under bilateral international agreements: the agreement between the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Republic of France, and the agreement between the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Kingdom of the Netherlands,” Vaisov said during a briefing. The Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Ecology, and Ministry of Energy are jointly handling the case. Kazakhstan has been steadily tightening its position in major energy projects, seeking a larger share of revenues from fields developed under production-sharing agreements signed in the 1990s. Disputes over Kashagan and Karachaganak reflect broader efforts to rebalance terms with foreign investors as production stabilizes and fiscal pressures grow. The outcome of these cases could reshape how Central Asia’s largest economy manages foreign participation in its energy sector. A separate dispute concerning project costs, reportedly exceeding $100 billion, is being handled under the framework of the Production Sharing Agreement (PSA), in line with government policy, Vaisov said. Kazakhstan maintains that under the current terms, participating oil companies receive up to 98% of revenue from oil production at Kashagan, leaving the state with comparatively limited income in the form of royalties. Astana’s claim related to this issue has been reported at approximately $160 billion. “As far as I know, an interim decision has been made regarding Karachaganak. Further work is currently underway,” Vaisov said. In January 2026, an international arbitration tribunal ruled in favor of Kazakhstan in its dispute with shareholders in the Karachaganak Oil and Gas Projects, Eni, Shell, Chevron, and Lukoil. Compensation for the shareholders’ unjustified reimbursement of expenses has yet to be determined, but experts estimate it at between $2 billion and $4 billion. Vaisov also noted that Kazakhstan has been reducing the cost of arbitration proceedings involving foreign investors. “The Ministry of Justice has managed to reduce spending on these matters each year. Since 2021, costs have been reduced by nearly threefold. At the same time, the Republic of Kazakhstan engages leading law firms for these proceedings, as contracting companies do the same,” he said.

Justice

Mirziyoyev: Violence Against Women and Children Will Not Be Tolerated in Uzbekistan

President Shavkat Mirziyoyev has announced tougher measures against violence toward women and children, and unveiled new economic and education programs aimed at expanding opportunities for women across Uzbekistan. Speaking on March 6 at a ceremony in Tashkent marking International Women’s Day, the president referred to a decree he signed on March 3 that strengthens the country’s response to domestic violence. According to remarks reported by Uzbek media and the presidential press service, the decree introduces a stricter system for addressing harassment and violence against women and minors. Mirziyoyev said Uzbekistan has adopted the creation of an uncompromising environment against violence as a strategic goal. “Anyone who raises a hand against women or children will either leave Uzbekistan or be forced to live according to the law,” he said during the event held at the Kuksaroy residence. Mirziyoyev also stated that the decree includes tougher penalties for certain crimes against minors. According to his remarks, in some cases crimes involving pedophilia will now carry life imprisonment. He noted that legal experts had raised objections during discussions but said he insisted on including the punishment in the decree. In addition to legal measures, Mirziyoyev outlined several initiatives focused on education, employment, and rehabilitation programs for women. According to statements made during the event, women serving sentences in correctional facilities will be given the opportunity to apply to universities and study remotely. Officials said many female inmates currently have only secondary education and lack professional skills, while some have expressed interest in pursuing higher education. To address this, the government plans to launch a program called “New Life,” which will provide vocational training for women in prisons. Participants will study for three to six months in professional training programs and receive certificates. Those who wish to enter universities will be able to take entrance exams inside correctional institutions. Women admitted to universities on a contract basis will be eligible for interest-free loans, repayable after completing their sentences and securing employment. The government also plans to expand economic support for women nationwide. According to Mirziyoyev's speech, 166,000 women will receive training in modern professions and entrepreneurship this year, while another 100,000 will study information technology skills. A separate initiative called “Daromadli Ayol” (“Profitable Woman”) will support home-based businesses. With the help of experienced entrepreneurs, the program aims to create employment for 50,000 women in areas such as handicrafts, poultry farming, beekeeping, and household agriculture. Officials also said that under the “Hamroh” program, around 1 trillion UZS (about $82,440,000) will be allocated to finance 3,000 business projects led by women. Overall, the government aims to help 1.5 million women generate income this year, including 400,000 who are expected to enter business activities. More than 25 trillion UZS (about $2,060,950,000) in financial resources will be directed toward these initiatives.

Saltanat Law

Saltanat Law One Year On: Domestic Violence Crackdown, Hidden Barriers Remain

In the spring of 2024, the world's attention turned to Astana as the trial of former minister Kuandyk Bishimbayev unfolded. Accused of the brutal murder of his common-law wife, Saltanat Nukenova, the proceedings were broadcast live, marking the region’s first live-streamed murder trial, which was widely followed like a reality show. The livestream drew hundreds of thousands across Kazakhstan, with daily clips dissected on TikTok and Telegram channels, a public fixation that turned the courtroom into a national arena Under intense public pressure, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev signed a landmark legislative reform popularly dubbed “Saltanat's Law.” These amendments enhanced protections for women and children. The most consequential change was re-criminalizing battery and intentional infliction of minor bodily harm — offences frequently present in domestic violence cases — which had previously been treated as administrative violations. Now, over a year later, the emotional urgency has waned, giving way to the realities of implementation. The transition from legislative success to consistent enforcement has revealed systemic resistance from conservative communities and infrastructural gaps. A Statistical Paradox The initial police data may appear counterintuitive. Rather than declining, reported cases of domestic abuse surged following the law’s passage. According to the General Prosecutor’s Office and the Institute of Legislation, such offenses increased by 238% within a year, rising from 406 to 1,370 criminal cases by mid-2025. Interior Ministry data shows that more than 70,000 protective orders were issued nationwide in the first nine months of 2025, a surge driven by mandatory registration and proactive police intervention. Experts caution against interpreting this spike as a rise in violence, however. Instead, it reflects the exposure of previously hidden abuse. From 1 July 2023, police could start administrative domestic-violence cases without a victim’s complaint. The 2024 Saltanat Law then reinforced this proactive approach in the criminal sphere. The law also removed the option for repeated reconciliation. Previously, over 60% of domestic violence cases collapsed when victims, often under familial pressure, withdrew their statements. Now, cases proceed regardless. As a result, administrative arrests have doubled, supporting the argument long made by human rights activists: it is the inevitability of punishment, not its severity, that disrupts the cycle of abuse. Uneven Enforcement Across Regions The law's effectiveness varies significantly by region. High reporting rates in cities such as Almaty and Astana and in northern industrial regions often reflect improved enforcement rather than increased violence. In these areas, women are more aware of their rights, and law enforcement responds accordingly. In Astana and Almaty, police units trained specifically on domestic violence now conduct routine checks and intervene based on neighbour reports or video evidence, even without a formal complaint. Conversely, in more traditional regions, particularly Turkestan, Zhambyl, and parts of western Kazakhstan, domestic violence often remains underreported. Here, entrenched patriarchal norms and the cultural concept of uyat (shame) discourage women from seeking legal help. Local police and community leaders sometimes view reporting abuse as a family disgrace and pressure women to resolve disputes privately. In the Turkestan region, activists recount cases in...

Oil and Gas

Kazakhstan vs Eni: How a Swiss Lawsuit Could Reshape the $160 Billion Kashagan Dispute

The legal landscape surrounding Kazakhstan’s energy sector has taken an unexpected turn. What began as a closed commercial arbitration dispute has now entered the public sphere in Switzerland’s courts. This marks a significant escalation in Astana’s confrontation with international oil and gas majors. According to Bloomberg, PSA LLP, a structure representing Kazakhstan’s interests in production-sharing agreements (PSAs), has significantly broadened its claims. The lawsuit now directly targets alleged schemes involving units and executives of the Italian company Eni. Kazakhstan alleges that during the early development of Kashagan infrastructure, including the Bolashak processing plant and pipeline systems, corruption and fraud may have occurred. Arbitration claims against the NCOC consortium, which includes Shell, ExxonMobil, TotalEnergies, and Eni, exceed $150 billion. Within this context, the Swiss case has become the most sensitive element. The Swiss case itself is much smaller – $15 million plus interest – and is being used to gather evidence and strengthen the larger arbitration case. While the financial stakes are high, the proceedings reflect a deeper political shift. Kazakhstan is moving away from the 1990s model of offering investors exceptional privileges. Under President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s “Fair Kazakhstan” policy, the state is aiming to secure more balanced and equitable cooperation with foreign partners. Distinctiveness of Swiss Proceedings The Swiss case is distinctive due to the nature of its allegations. The plaintiffs claim that during the tenure of Agip KCO (an Eni subsidiary) as project operator, contracts were awarded amid corrupt practices. Allegations include inflated prices and kickbacks to contractors. Targeting Eni is deliberate. The company led the project during its most troubled phase from 2001 to 2008. Kashagan’s budget swelled during this period, with repeated delays. Following a 2013 gas leak, production was halted for nearly three years. Kazakh officials have long linked Kashagan’s massive cost overruns and technical failures to poor procurement and mismanagement, and the current legal offensive zeroes in on alleged corrupt tenders. Cost estimates rose from a few tens of billions of dollars to around $60 billion, and by 2007, projections for total project costs had reached about $136 billion. Why Switzerland? The selection of the Swiss jurisdiction is strategic. Switzerland’s laws on corruption and financial crimes allow for the prosecution of both corporations and individual executives. Moreover, many entities connected to Kashagan’s operations are registered there. Another factor is the PSA’s stabilization clause, which forbids altering the contract’s terms. However, under international legal norms, if corruption is proven in the contract’s formation, such protections can be voided. This opens the door for Kazakhstan to challenge key financial terms of the agreement. Resource Nationalism 2.0: Legal Strategy Meets Political Logic Astana’s current posture can be described as a form of “new-generation resource nationalism.” Rather than using administrative leverage, the state is deploying legal tools to address grievances. This is driven in part by Kazakhstan’s fiscal needs, ranging from infrastructure upgrades to social spending. Amid these pressures, the vast expenditures reported by Kashagan operators have drawn public skepticism. Kazakhstan’s claims aim to re-evaluate the cost recovery model...

Justice

Turkish Police Detain Teenagers Linked to ISIS, Including Turkmen Citizen

Turkish security forces have detained two teenagers in Istanbul, one identified as a Turkmen national, on suspicion of planning terrorist attacks and communicating with members of the so‑called Islamic State (ISIS), Turkish press reported. The arrests were carried out in two Istanbul districts after police discovered evidence of contact with ISIS operatives on encrypted messaging apps. Authorities say a search of one suspect’s computer turned up files with instructions for making Molotov cocktails and explosives, materials on assembling long‑barreled weapons and shooting training, and a large volume of ISIS‑related propaganda and instructional videos. A court ordered that teenager held in custody. The same reporting says a separate case in July involved a 14‑year‑old Turkmen national, identified by initials D.R., who was detained in the Maltepe district after allegedly being radicalized online. Investigators reportedly found “training materials” on bomb‑making, assassination techniques, videos on using drones and attack vehicles, and other instructions. The court placed that teenager under house arrest. Turkish media cited broader figures showing intensified counter‑terror operations: 3,686 people suspected of links to ISIS have been detained in Turkey over the past nine months, with 784 formally arrested, the reporting states. Earlier cases involving Central Asian nationals have also drawn attention. The Times of Central Asia previously reported that Turkish police had detained a Tajik man (named in reporting as Faziljon A.) and a Kyrgyz woman (named as Zulfiya S.) on suspicion of planning attacks for ISIS; authorities said they found police uniforms, emergency lights, knives and other equipment in the apartment where the suspects were hiding.